Tshisekedi, 63, is scheduled to complete his second five-year mandate in December 2028. Under the current constitution, presidents are limited to two terms. However, a recently approved bill establishing procedures for national referendums could provide a legal mechanism for constitutional amendments, including potential changes to presidential term limits.

The legislation has cleared both chambers of parliament, where Tshisekedi’s ruling coalition holds a strong majority, and now awaits presidential approval.

Speaking at a recent news conference in Kinshasa, Tshisekedi said he was not actively seeking a third term but indicated he would be open to continuing in office if supported by voters.

“I didn’t seek a third term, but if the people want me to have a third term, I will accept,” Tshisekedi said, adding that any constitutional revision would require consultation with the Congolese public through a referendum.

The prospect of constitutional reform has generated growing political tensions in the vast Central African nation, where previous attempts by leaders to extend their rule have sparked unrest and international criticism.

Political analyst Ithiel Batumike of the Ebuteli research institute said the referendum legislation represented a significant step toward constitutional change and warned that opponents would need sustained pressure to block the initiative.

“Without sufficient pressure, those in power have no intention of stopping their plan to change the constitution,” Batumike said.

Opposition leaders argue that altering presidential term limits would weaken democratic institutions and reverse constitutional protections designed to ensure peaceful transfers of power.

Earlier this month, security forces and supporters of the ruling coalition clashed with demonstrators protesting the referendum bill in Kinshasa. Human rights organizations reported fatalities and injuries during the unrest, while authorities provided lower casualty figures and denied allegations of excessive force.

Martin Fayulu, a prominent opposition figure and former presidential candidate, accused Tshisekedi of violating the principles he pledged to uphold when taking office.

Another opposition leader, Delly Sesanga, warned that reopening debate on the constitution could threaten political stability at a time when the country faces significant security challenges.

The controversy is unfolding as government forces continue to confront the Rwanda-backed M23 rebel movement in eastern Congo. The insurgency has captured strategic urban centers and displaced large numbers of civilians, creating one of the country’s most serious security crises in years.

Government officials have repeatedly argued that ongoing conflict in the east could complicate preparations for future national elections. Political observers note that delaying elections because of security concerns has historically been used by some African leaders as an alternative means of extending time in office when constitutional reforms encounter resistance.

The issue carries particular historical significance in Congo, where former President Joseph Kabila abandoned efforts to prolong his rule after widespread protests and international pressure erupted over proposed electoral changes in 2015.

At the time, Tshisekedi, then an opposition leader, publicly criticized attempts to extend presidential tenure and called for respect for democratic processes.

With the referendum bill awaiting presidential approval and opposition groups planning further demonstrations, the debate over constitutional reform is likely to become a defining issue in Congolese politics ahead of the 2028 election cycle.

In December 1982, a coordinated act of sabotage targeted the Koeberg Nuclear Power Station, a key infrastructure project of apartheid-era South Africa. The operation, carried out by South African national Rodney Wilkinson, involved the placement of four explosive devices inside the facility, which detonated over a period of approximately 12 hours without causing casualties.

Wilkinson, acting alongside an associate identified as Gray, had earlier obtained approximately 200 pages of technical drawings related to the nuclear installation. These documents were subsequently transported out of South Africa and into Zimbabwe, where they came under the scrutiny of intelligence operatives linked to the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA), the armed wing of the liberation movement associated with Zimbabwe’s independence struggle.

According to accounts attributed to Jeremy Brickhill, who was based in Harare at the time, the pair drew attention due to their lack of political background and the sensitivity of the materials they carried. Brickhill, a former member of the Rhodesian military who had joined guerrilla forces, was overseeing a network monitoring South African exiles entering Zimbabwe.

One of his operatives, identified as Jackie Cahi, facilitated contact by hosting Wilkinson and Gray and reporting their activities over several weeks.In early 1981, Brickhill arranged an encounter under informal circumstances. During a social gathering organised by Cahi, he introduced himself to Wilkinson and initiated a conversation that escalated into a confrontation during a car journey.

Brickhill later stated that the exchange, which involved erratic behaviour by Wilkinson, convinced him of Wilkinson’s authenticity and commitment.Following this assessment, Wilkinson and Gray were relocated to a safe house and underwent training in operational methods, including counter-surveillance and secure communication. Wilkinson subsequently transferred the technical documents to Brickhill, marking a transition from initial contact to active collaboration.

The operation that followed involved the use of limpet mines, compact explosive devices equipped with timed fuses. According to the account, these devices had a maximum delay of 24 hours once activated. The mines were reportedly modified to include thermite, an incendiary substance capable of burning at temperatures exceeding 2,000 degrees Celsius, enabling not only explosive impact but also sustained fire damage.

The target selection focused on critical components of the Koeberg facility. The site consisted of two reactors housed in separate containment structures, with interconnected control systems. Instructions given to Wilkinson included placing devices on both reactor heads and within cabling systems linked to the control rooms, with the intention of maximising operational disruption.Security at the facility presented multiple challenges.

Access to certain areas required passing through vehicle inspections, guarded checkpoints and controlled entry points where personnel were required to change into designated clothing. Despite these measures, Wilkinson was able to enter the site and position the devices as instructed.Following the placement of the explosives, Wilkinson exited the facility and left the country. His route included travel through Swaziland, now known as Eswatini, where he attempted to establish contact with a superior identified as Rashid, believed to be based in Maputo.

Communication difficulties arose due to differences in telephone signalling systems between countries, which delayed confirmation of the operation’s outcome.Wilkinson eventually reached Maputo, where he was informed that all four devices had detonated successfully. The explosions occurred sequentially between the afternoon of December 18 and the early hours of December 19, 1982. The timing coincided with periods when sections of the facility were largely unoccupied, as the site was still under construction and commissioning rather than active operation.

No injuries were reported, and the damage was confined to infrastructure within the plant. The incident highlighted vulnerabilities in the security of critical installations during the period and underscored the extent to which anti-apartheid operatives were prepared to target state infrastructure.Later accounts indicate that Wilkinson lived a relatively low-profile life following the incident. He reportedly experienced health complications, including lung damage attributed to tuberculosis, and continued to reside in South Africa. His activities during the apartheid period remained largely unknown to the broader public.

The Koeberg sabotage forms part of a wider history of targeted operations conducted by anti-apartheid groups seeking to disrupt the economic and administrative systems of the state. The incident is documented in oral histories and accounts related to Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the armed wing of the African National Congress, though specific operational details vary across sources.