Deoband’s embrace of the Taliban foreign minister is dangerous — but also offers an opening.

Amir Khan Muttaqi, Foreign Minister of the Taliban-led government in Afghanistan and a senior figure in its political and ideological leadership, has recently completed a six-day visit to India — an episode loaded with meaning.

From his informal ban on female journalists, to the cancellation of his Agra leg, and his carefully choreographed stop at the Vivekananda Foundation. Yet, it is his visit to Dar ul Uloom Deoband, the theological heart of South Asian Deobandi Islam, that has invited sharpest scrutiny.

For years, Indian Muslims — particularly those aligned with the Deobandi school — have tried to draw a distinction between “their Islam,” described as democratic and egalitarian, and the Taliban’s brutal, patriarchal regime. Muttaqi’s pilgrimage to his ideological fountainhead has challenged that narrative.

When the Taliban’s foreign minister visits Deoband, and the seminary receives him with honor, it becomes almost impossible to sustain the claim that the Taliban are merely “misguided” Muslims. Why, then, should men who have subjugated women and silenced dissent be treated as heroes?

What emerges instead is a chilling recognition: the Taliban are not a deviation from Deobandi Islam according to the seminary, but one of its most literal political manifestations.

The confusion within India’s religiously-inclined Muslim intelligentsia over how to respond to this visit is telling — and repetitive. Some rush to rationalize it as “cultural diplomacy” or a gesture of goodwill in the national interest, strangely bringing the Muslim right and the Hindu right onto the same page.

Others recoil in discomfort but stop short of open criticism. Deoband’s endorsement of Muttaqi symbolically affirms the very doctrines that have justified gender apartheid, banned girls from education, and institutionalized moral policing across Afghanistan.

This moment is not merely about Afghanistan; it reflects a moral crisis within Indian muslims as well — a refusal to confront its own regressive solidarities under the pretext of religious kinship. The spectacle of Deoband greeting Muttaqi with reverence reveals the unbroken theological thread linking the 19th seminary to the taliban led theocratic governance.

Deoband’s embrace of the Taliban foreign minister is dangerous — but also offers an opening. If the Taliban truly draw their ideological legitimacy from Deoband, then Deoband carries a moral responsibility: to humanize that ideology, to insist that justice and compassion, not repression, define Islam.

The seminary has a proud history of standing against colonial injustice and for India’s freedom. Can it now stand for Afghan women denied education, or men imprisoned for thought?

If Dar ul Uloom Deoband wishes to remain relevant in a plural democracy, it must decide where it stands — with democracy, gender justice, and education, or with those who burn books, bury dissent, and blind the future of half their population.

India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) welcomed the Afghan minister in a post on X, formerly Twitter, stating: “We look forward to engaging discussions with him on bilateral relations and regional issues.”

Muttaqi, who will remain in India until October 16, is expected to meet External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval during his stay, according to diplomatic sources.

UN travel exemption cleared visit

The visit comes after weeks of delay caused by the need for a United Nations Security Council (UNSC) exemption from travel restrictions placed on senior Taliban officials. Muttaqi’s name remains on a list of sanctioned individuals subject to a UN travel ban, which requires special permission for international travel.

Last week, MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal confirmed that the UNSC Sanctions Committee had granted permission for Muttaqi to visit India between October 9 and 16.

“All of you would have seen the exemption that has been granted by the UN Security Council Committee for the travel of the Afghan Foreign Minister to New Delhi,” Jaiswal said during a media briefing. “We shall keep you updated in this regard.”

India’s cautious engagement with the Taliban

Since the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021, India has maintained a careful but pragmatic approach to engaging with the regime, stopping short of formal recognition while keeping diplomatic and humanitarian channels open.

“We have been having conversations with the interim government in Afghanistan,” Jaiswal said, noting past communications between the two sides.

“You would have seen the telecon that took place some time back between the External Affairs Minister and Foreign Minister Muttaqi. Also, we’ve had a conversation between the Joint Secretary in charge and his counterparts on the Afghan side.”

Diplomatic observers say New Delhi’s engagement reflects its efforts to safeguard regional security interests, prevent the spread of extremism, and ensure that Afghanistan’s territory is not used against India’s security concerns.

Humanitarian aid and reconstruction expected to top agenda

Humanitarian assistance, connectivity, and ongoing infrastructure projects are expected to feature prominently in the discussions. India has been among Afghanistan’s largest regional donors over the past two decades, funding roads, hospitals, and educational institutions.

“Recently, when the earthquake happened, we were able to transport relief material to Kunar province the same day, and subsequently we sent more relief material via Chabahar,” Jaiswal said, highlighting India’s continued humanitarian engagement despite the absence of formal diplomatic recognition.

New Delhi has also been quietly expanding cooperation on food and medical supplies, including wheat shipments and life-saving drugs. The recent visit of Afghanistan’s Deputy Minister of Medicine and Food, Hamdullah Zahid, to attend a pharmaceutical exhibition in India underscored growing functional ties between the two countries.

Broader diplomatic context

Muttaqi’s visit follows several months of behind-the-scenes diplomatic contact between India and Taliban officials. Earlier this year, Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri met the Afghan minister in January to discuss economic and regional issues.

Analysts view the latest visit as part of a gradual normalization process, in which India seeks to maintain influence in Afghanistan while avoiding premature recognition of the Taliban regime.

“India’s engagement with the Taliban is guided by both humanitarian necessity and strategic caution,” said a South Asia analyst based in Doha. “New Delhi does not want to leave a vacuum for Pakistan or China to fill.”

Regional security, counterterrorism, and the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan are also expected to be key points of discussion. Indian officials have repeatedly expressed concern about the potential for militant groups operating in Afghanistan to destabilize the wider region.

New Delhi is also closely watching Taliban interactions with Pakistan, China, and Iran, all of whom maintain varying degrees of engagement with Kabul.
“India recognizes the geopolitical reality that the Taliban are in control,” said a former Indian diplomat. “However, engagement does not equate to endorsement.”

No formal recognition yet

India has not recognized the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, the name used by the Taliban for their government. However, it has reopened its diplomatic mission in Kabul in a limited capacity since mid-2022, primarily to oversee humanitarian programs and development assistance.

In past statements, India has emphasized that recognition of the Taliban government will depend on its actions on inclusivity, human rights—especially women’s rights—and counterterrorism commitments.

Despite these reservations, the continuation of dialogue signals a pragmatic shift in India’s foreign policy approach, particularly as the Taliban seeks broader regional legitimacy.

Growing regional diplomacy

Muttaqi’s trip to India is seen as part of Kabul’s broader diplomatic outreach to regional powers. Over the past year, Taliban officials have made visits to China, Iran, Pakistan, and Qatar, seeking investment and political engagement amid Afghanistan’s worsening economic isolation.

The timing of the visit is also notable, coming amid rising regional uncertainty over the security situation in Afghanistan’s northern provinces and reports of renewed militant activity linked to the Islamic State-Khorasan Province (ISKP).

For India, observers say the talks offer an opportunity to reassert its presence in Afghanistan and ensure its aid and investment efforts align with its long-term strategic interests in Central and South Asia.

A delicate balancing act

Experts caution that while India is expanding its contacts with the Taliban, it remains wary of being seen as legitimizing the group’s rule. “India’s position is clear — humanitarian engagement and talks on regional stability do not amount to recognition,” said a senior policy researcher at an Indian think tank.

Muttaqi’s visit, therefore, represents both a test and an opportunity for New Delhi — testing how far it can engage without crossing the recognition threshold, while offering a platform to advance shared interests such as trade, connectivity, and counterterrorism.