At the Church of the Holy Spirit in Old Havana, nearly 50 elderly residents gather three times a week for a free lunch of rice, beans, ground meat and coffee, a modest but essential supplement for pensioners whose monthly incomes often amount to less than $10 at informal exchange rates.

Among them is 84-year-old retired chemical engineer Carmen Casado, who receives a monthly pension of 2,000 Cuban pesos, worth roughly $4 on the informal market. Living alone, without children or remittances from relatives abroad, she relies on church meals in addition to the limited bread, rice and beans available through Cuba’s state-run ration stores.“This is a lifeline for us retirees with small pensions,” Casado said.

“What we get from the bodegas alone is not enough.”Older Cubans, many of them former state employees such as teachers, doctors, nurses and technicians, have been among the hardest hit by the worsening downturn, which intensified this year following an oil embargo imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump.

The crisis has brought further cuts to subsidized goods that for decades formed the backbone of Cuba’s social safety net, while rising shortages and inflation have eroded the value of fixed pensions.At the same time, the migration of younger Cubans has left many elderly residents isolated, without family members to provide financial support or day-to-day care.

Cuba was already one of Latin America’s oldest societies before the latest wave of emigration. By the end of 2024, nearly 26% of the population was aged 60 or older, according to Cuba’s National Bureau of Statistics, compared with a regional average of 14.2% reported by the U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC).Over the last five years, Cuba’s population has declined by nearly 1.5 million, largely because of outward migration.

The number of residents on the island has fallen from 11.1 million to 9.7 million.The demographic shift is increasingly visible in Havana, where elderly residents stand in long lines for rationed food, sell small items such as cigarettes on the streets or search for assistance from churches and state institutions.

The pressure has prompted the government to authorize private entrepreneurs to operate elder-care services and residential facilities, a notable shift in a country where social services have traditionally remained under state control.Casado says she still considers herself fortunate. At 84, she remains physically independent, climbs the stairs to her aging apartment without a cane and needs only blood pressure medication, which she says is still available through state pharmacies.

Born in 1942, she has lived through the Cuban Revolution, the 1962 missile crisis, the Soviet-backed economic boom of the 1970s and 1980s, and the severe shortages of the post-Soviet “Special Period.”Despite today’s hardships, she continues to place responsibility for Cuba’s economic difficulties largely on the United States.

“We’re doing everything we can here to move the country forward,” she said. “But the thing is, we have a very powerful enemy, and he’s right there, right on our doorstep.”

The hardship has intensified since the beginning of the year following an oil embargo imposed by U.S. President Donald Trump, worsening fuel shortages and compounding a prolonged economic downturn that has strained food supplies, transportation and public services across the communist-run island.

At the Church of the Holy Spirit in Old Havana, nearly 50 elderly residents gather three times a week for a free lunch of ground meat, rice, red beans, crackers and Cuban coffee — a modest meal that many describe as essential.“This is a lifeline for us retirees with small pensions,” said 84-year-old Carmen Casado, a retired chemical engineer whose monthly pension of 2,000 Cuban pesos is worth about $4 at the informal exchange rate widely used in daily transactions.Casado lives alone, has no children and receives no remittances from relatives abroad.

She said the food supplements the limited rations of bread, rice and beans available through Cuba’s state-run subsidized stores, known as bodegas.“What we get from the bodegas alone is not enough,” she said.Older Cubans, many of them former state employees including teachers, doctors, nurses and technicians, are among the groups hardest hit by the downturn.

Monthly pensions for many retirees remain below $10, while access to subsidized goods has narrowed and inflation has sharply reduced purchasing power.At the same time, the country’s aging population and the mass departure of younger Cubans have deepened social isolation for many elderly residents.

According to Cuba’s National Bureau of Statistics, nearly 26% of the population was aged 60 or older by the end of 2024, almost double the Latin American regional average of 14.2% reported by the U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC).Over the past five years, Cuba’s population has declined by nearly 1.5 million people, largely due to migration, reducing the island’s resident population from 11.1 million to about 9.7 million.

The impact is visible across Havana, where elderly people often wait alone in long lines for rationed bread and rice or search through refuse for recyclable materials and food scraps.The severity of the problem has prompted the Cuban government to authorize private entrepreneurs to operate elder care services and residential facilities, a notable shift in a system historically dominated by state control.

Casado said she still considers herself fortunate. She remains physically independent, walks without assistance and manages her household alone in a deteriorating 19th-century building in the capital.Born in 1942, she lived through the Cuban Revolution, the 1962 missile crisis and the severe economic collapse that followed the fall of the Soviet Union in the 1990s.

Like many of her generation, she said she continues to support the government despite worsening living conditions and attributes much of the country’s hardship to U.S. policy.“We’re doing everything we can here to move the country forward,” she said. “But the thing is, we have a very powerful enemy, and he’s right there, right on our doorstep.

Once regarded as a model for universal welfare in South Asia, Sri Lanka is now confronting rising food insecurity, strained public services and widening social vulnerability, prompting renewed calls from economists and rights advocates for a development model centered on universal entitlements rather than austerity-led growth.

For decades, Sri Lanka was recognized for its relatively strong public investments in education, healthcare and food subsidies, which helped establish high social indicators compared with many countries at similar income levels. Universal schooling, accessible healthcare and broad-based welfare programs were often cited as pillars of the country’s post-independence development strategy.

But recent years have seen that framework come under increasing pressure.

According to the Food and Agriculture Organization’s 2025 Hunger Map and the World Food Programme’s 2024 Household Food Security Overview, around one million people in Sri Lanka are now chronically undernourished, while nearly nine million more struggle to access sufficient nutritious food. Nearly four in ten households report inadequate diets, reflecting a sharp deterioration in food security in a country that was once largely self-sufficient in food production and a major seafood exporter.

The figures come against the backdrop of Sri Lanka’s prolonged economic crisis, which intensified after the country’s sovereign debt default in 2022 and triggered inflation, currency depreciation, shortages of essential goods and sweeping fiscal restructuring.

Dr. Ahilan Kadirgamar, a leading Sri Lankan economist and senior lecturer at the University of Jaffna, said the country’s current challenges reflect not only immediate economic distress but a deeper structural shift away from universal welfare protections.

He argues that austerity measures, combined with financialization and infrastructure-heavy development priorities, redirected state resources away from people-centered public services and toward projects that did not adequately protect livelihoods.

“Until recently, Sri Lanka was a country that could sustain itself and export seafood worldwide,” Kadirgamar said. “But now we are facing a situation where millions are unable to access enough nutritious food, and public institutions are under severe strain.

”According to Kadirgamar, hospitals continue to face shortages of essential medicines, universities are functioning under reduced real funding, and welfare programs have become increasingly narrow and targeted rather than universal, leaving large sections of the population exposed during periods of crisis.

He said the transition from universal subsidies toward selective welfare mechanisms has weakened the resilience of ordinary households, particularly during inflationary shocks and employment disruptions.

Kadirgamar has called for what he describes as a “Human Rights Economy,” a framework that places universal access, democratic participation and social protection at the center of economic decision-making.

Rather than treating economic planning as a technical domain reserved for specialists, he argues that citizens must have a direct role in shaping the priorities that affect their livelihoods.

“Economic policies cannot be the realm of experts,” he said. “It must be democratized. It is people’s demands that should determine economic policies.”

The concept of a Human Rights Economy has gained wider attention through advocacy by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, which frames economic governance through the lens of rights protection, equality and public accountability. The approach emphasizes that economic growth alone is insufficient if it does not translate into dignity, food security, healthcare access and social participation.

Kadirgamar said such a shift requires not only policy reform but also organized civic action.“Change will not come without action,” he said. “There needs to be coalitions organizing at every level.”He pointed to cooperatives as one practical mechanism for rebuilding resilience.

Small, democratic and community-based institutions, he said, can help reconnect producers and consumers while reducing dependence on fragile centralized supply chains and volatile global markets.In Sri Lanka, cooperative structures historically played an important role in rural development and agricultural distribution, though many weakened over time amid market liberalization and institutional decline.

Reviving such models, Kadirgamar said, could support local production while strengthening accountability and participation.“To rebuild the economy, citizens and policymakers must rethink how economic policies are made and form coalitions demanding equality, participation and universal rights,” he said.

He views the Human Rights Economy not simply as a new policy language but as a fundamental departure from the trajectory of recent decades.“That’s the context in which I understand the idea of a human rights economy,” he said. “A new framework, but one that has to completely shift from the path we have been on.”

Sri Lanka’s experience is increasingly cited in international discussions about debt, austerity and social rights, particularly as many developing economies face pressure to implement fiscal consolidation measures while managing inflation, debt servicing and weakened welfare systems.

Critics of austerity argue that reducing spending on health, education and food protection during economic recovery often deepens long-term inequality and undermines social stability, even when such measures are framed as necessary for macroeconomic reform.

Supporters of fiscal restructuring, however, argue that restoring financial credibility is essential for long-term recovery and investor confidence, especially after sovereign default.The tension between these approaches has become central to Sri Lanka’s policy debate.

The issue is also being examined through the United Nations-backed podcast series “Economies That Work for All,” produced by UN Human Rights and the UN System Staff College’s Knowledge Centre for Sustainable Development.

The series explores how human rights principles can be integrated into economic systems to support progress toward the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development.UN Human Rights Chief Volker Türk has also spoken publicly about the need for rights-based economic models, particularly in countries facing sovereign debt burdens and widening inequality.

For Sri Lanka, the debate is no longer theoretical. With millions facing nutritional insecurity and public institutions under visible pressure, the question of whether recovery should be measured by fiscal balance sheets or by human well-being is becoming increasingly urgent.

What emerges from that choice may shape not only the country’s economic future, but the social contract that defines it.

Even before the latest hostilities, analysts described Iran’s economy as deeply fragile, weighed down by sanctions, energy imbalances, inflation and declining exports. The impact of renewed strikes and the effective closure of Hormuz a critical artery for global energy shipments has sharply intensified those pressures.

The blockade threatens more than 90% of Iran’s annual trade, estimated at over $100 billion, according to analysts, cutting off vital oil exports that account for roughly 80% of government revenue. Estimates cited by experts suggest losses of around $435 million per day, potentially exceeding $13 billion monthly.

Energy infrastructure constraints are compounding the crisis. With limited storage capacity and continued production, Iran risks being forced to halt oil output within weeks, raising the possibility of long-term damage to oil fields and a permanent reduction in production capacity.

On the domestic front, economic indicators point to severe distress. The Iranian rial has sharply depreciated, while food inflation has surged into triple digits, eroding purchasing power and fueling social discontent.

Shortages of energy have also disrupted key industries such as steel, cement and petrochemicals.The blockade’s effects are further magnified by limited alternative trade routes. Infrastructure outside the Gulf, including overland corridors and non-Hormuz ports, can handle only a fraction of normal throughput, leaving Iran with few options to offset lost maritime access.

Internal divisions are also emerging over the management of foreign currency revenues and economic policy, with some officials warning that significant portions of export earnings are not reaching state coffers.

Former Iranian foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif has called for compromise, urging Tehran to consider limiting its nuclear program and reopening Hormuz in exchange for sanctions relief to prevent further economic deterioration.Analysts say the government’s response is driven less by economic logic than by strategic considerations.

Sanam Vakil of Chatham House said the conflict is viewed by Iran’s leadership as existential, limiting the likelihood of policy shifts despite economic strain.The longer-term outlook remains uncertain.

Researchers at Royal United Services Institute warn that postwar recovery could be hampered by damaged infrastructure, reduced access to regional financial networks and strained ties with Gulf partners, particularly the United Arab Emirates, a key trade hub for Iran.

With reconstruction costs expected to be substantial and trade channels constrained, the economic consequences of the conflict may prove more enduring than the military phase itself.

Zuwaira Hanafi stood outside a healthcare facility in Kaita, in Nigeria’s northern Katsina state, as medical staff hurried into a ward where her eight-month-old daughter lay semiconscious, underscoring the urgency confronting health workers in a region grappling with rising levels of severe malnutrition.

At the entrance, clinicians used colour-coded measuring tapes to assess the mid-upper arm circumference of children, a standard method for diagnosing malnutrition.

A steady flow of mothers, including teenagers, arrived with infants in critical condition, reflecting what humanitarian agencies describe as a deepening hunger crisis affecting large parts of the country.The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies has warned that as many as 33 million Nigerians could face severe hunger in 2026, a record level.

Data from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs indicates that approximately 6.4 million children in Nigeria are expected to be acutely malnourished by the end of the year, with the burden concentrated in northern regions such as Katsina.

Dr Soma Bahonan, head of the Nigeria mission for the Alliance for International Medical Action (Alima), which operates the Kaita facility in partnership with local authorities, said the crisis is expanding beyond children. Increasing numbers of mothers are also presenting with acute malnutrition, compounding the risks to infant health and survival.

Alima has expanded its operations to include mobile clinics designed to reach remote populations unable to travel to fixed facilities. These services include transport support for critical cases from surrounding communities.

However, Bahonan described the scale of need as exceeding operational capacity, particularly in Katsina, which has become a focal point of what aid workers describe as an intergenerational hunger crisis.Longstanding drivers of food insecurity, including climate variability and structural governance challenges, have been intensified by rising insecurity.

Attacks by jihadist groups and other non-state actors have disrupted farming activities and restricted access to agricultural land, further weakening household food production and income stability.The strain on the healthcare system is evident in workforce shortages. Nigeria’s doctor-to-patient ratio is estimated at roughly 1:9,000, significantly below the World Health Organization’s recommended ratio of 1:600.

Medical professionals continue to leave the country, citing delayed salary payments and limited career prospects, further reducing service capacity in already underserved areas.While digital health startups and private-sector partnerships have made progress in urban centres such as Lagos and Abuja, their reach remains limited in rural and conflict-affected regions due to infrastructure deficits and high inflation.

This uneven distribution of innovation has widened disparities in healthcare access.Analysts describe Nigeria’s current situation as a convergence of multiple crises. Joachim MacEbong, a senior analyst at Control Risks in Lagos, said the country faces overlapping economic, security, and human development challenges that reinforce one another.

He noted that these interconnected pressures are contributing to deteriorating health outcomes and weakening institutional response capacity.Humanitarian organisations have begun planning for the annual lean season, typically spanning June to September, when food stocks decline and malnutrition rates tend to rise.

The period is expected to place additional stress on already constrained health and nutrition services.Policy interventions have been introduced, though their impact remains uncertain.

In 2025, the Nigerian government partnered with the World Bank to implement the Accelerating Nutrition Results in Nigeria project, aimed at delivering basic nutrition services to vulnerable households.

A second phase of the programme is currently under way, but experts say broader structural reforms are required to improve food affordability and strengthen social protection systems.Supply chain inefficiencies continue to limit access to essential medicines and equipment.

Peter Bunor Jr, co-founder and head of growth at Field Intelligence, a health technology company focused on pharmaceutical logistics in Africa, said disruptions in global and domestic supply chains are contributing to shortages at the point of care.

Patients often travel long distances only to find that prescribed drugs are unavailable or replaced with alternatives, frequently at higher cost.Bunor said the impact of these shortages is amplified during a hunger crisis, as malnourished individuals are more susceptible to infections and require timely medical intervention.

He emphasised the need for better data integration and forecasting to prevent stockouts.In 2018, Field Intelligence launched the Nigeria Health Logistics Management Information System, a platform designed to track pharmaceutical supply data across public health programmes.

The system, now managed by the federal health ministry, has been expanded with support from UNICEF, and stakeholders are encouraging wider adoption among health agencies to improve coordination and anticipate shortages.Funding constraints remain a central concern.

Nigeria allocated approximately 5.2% of its 47.9 trillion naira national budget to the health sector, well below the 15% target set under the Abuja Declaration by African Union member states. Per capita health spending remains among the lowest on the continent.

In February, Health Minister Muhammad Ali Pate disclosed that of the 218 billion naira allocated for operations and capital projects under the ministry, only 36 million naira had been released. The figure, representing a small fraction of the approved budget, has raised concerns about implementation capacity and fiscal prioritisation.

MacEbong said the funding gap illustrates broader structural challenges in public finance management, noting that limited budget execution undermines service delivery even where allocations exist. He added that the scale of the crisis requires sustained government attention, particularly in sectors directly linked to human capital development.

Aid organisations continue to call for increased domestic investment in health and nutrition, alongside improved coordination with international partners.

As conditions in northern Nigeria worsen, frontline health workers face mounting pressure to manage a growing caseload with limited resources, highlighting systemic vulnerabilities in one of Africa’s largest economies.

Faisal Ibrahim Alshammeri, a Saudi analyst, has painted a bleak picture of China’s economic landscape, highlighting a rapid financial hemorrhage, difficulties in manipulating the exchange rate, and a failure to inject sufficient liquidity into the markets. All of these factors contribute to a looming internal breakdown in the country’s economic system, exacerbated by an ongoing real estate collapse and a declining investment climate.

The situation is particularly ironic given that those who once championed globalization—the very entities that moved industries and jobs to China in pursuit of lower costs and higher profits—are now among its victims. Multinational corporations that heavily relied on China’s manufacturing and consumer base are witnessing significant financial losses, realizing that their gamble on an opaque and unpredictable economy has not paid off. The once-promising business environment in China is now being seen as a high-risk venture.

Amid these growing economic troubles, Beijing has responded to Washington by imposing reciprocal tariffs. However, this move appears to be counterproductive. China’s exports to the United States are relatively limited in scope, consisting mainly of food and some consumer goods. By shutting itself off from the world’s largest consumer market, China is only deepening its economic troubles. Domestically, it lacks a consumer base with enough purchasing power and confidence to offset these losses, further accelerating its downturn.

This crisis marks not just a temporary economic slump but potentially the collapse of the traditional globalization model that has dominated world trade since the end of World War II. This model, which has overwhelmingly benefited China, is now being reassessed as the United States and its allies shift towards a new economic framework. The diminishing ability of Beijing to effectively manage its internal crises has fast-tracked the decline of the old global financial system, signaling the rise of a new era in international trade and economic policy.

The upcoming transition will be fraught with challenges, but it is expected to be decisive. By the end of this year, the United States is predicted to enter a phase of robust economic recovery, not only bouncing back from setbacks but also leading a restructuring of global economic power. This shift will likely establish an alternative model of globalization—one that prioritizes balance, stability, national sovereignty, and strategic economic interests over unfettered free trade.

In a further escalation of trade tensions, former U.S. President Donald Trump has issued a stark warning to China, threatening to impose an additional 50% tariff on Chinese imports if Beijing does not reverse its recently introduced retaliatory tariffs of 34% by April 8, 2025. Reports indicate that these new U.S. tariffs will be enforced on April 9 if China fails to comply. Trump has also suggested that, should China refuse to yield, the United States may entirely abandon ongoing trade negotiations with Beijing and instead shift its focus to countries more willing to engage in favorable trade deals.

As the world watches these developments unfold, it is becoming increasingly evident that China is navigating treacherous economic waters. Whether Beijing can devise a strategy to reverse its downward trajectory remains uncertain, but one thing is clear: the global economic landscape is on the cusp of a major transformation, with far-reaching implications for international trade, investment, and economic stability.

Tunis (AFP) — Thousands of Tunisians demonstrated Saturday in the capital Tunis, denouncing a power grab by President Kais Saied and demanding accountability for the country’s long-running economic crisis, AFP correspondents said.