The Syrian Arab Army announced that its units launched sweeping operations south of Hasakah, focusing on securing Al-Shaddadi prison and nearby security facilities while tracking down escaped Daesh members. Military officials said the deployments were part of a broader effort to stabilise the Jazira region following recent security breaches.

According to military statements, army units have established checkpoints and cordoned off key routes around Al-Shaddadi to prevent the movement of armed elements. Security forces are conducting targeted searches in residential and rural areas believed to be sheltering Daesh detainees released during the incident.

The army said it considers the SDF fully responsible for the release of Daesh components, warning that such actions directly threaten civilian safety and regional stability. Officials stressed that any lapse in prison security could allow extremist networks to reorganise and launch attacks.

Military sources said Syrian commanders contacted mediators and SDF representatives to coordinate the immediate handover of Al-Shaddadi prison and its perimeter to government internal security forces. These requests were declined, prompting the army to proceed with unilateral security measures.

The operations command confirmed that once security operations are completed, the prison and surrounding facilities will be transferred to the Ministry of Interior. Authorities said this step is essential to ensure unified control over detention centres holding high-risk militants.

Syrian forces also began deploying across wider parts of the Jazira region under a recent agreement between the Syrian state and the SDF. The agreement aims to reduce security vacuums and prevent armed groups from exploiting gaps created by fragmented authority.

Local residents reported increased military presence and patrols as government troops entered strategic zones in and around Hasakah. While some civilians expressed concern about renewed tensions, others said stronger security measures were necessary to prevent extremist violence.

Security analysts warn that Daesh sleeper cells remain active in parts of northeastern Syria despite years of military pressure. The release of detainees, even temporarily, risks reinvigorating militant networks and undermining counterterrorism efforts.

The Syrian army said it would continue operations until all released detainees are apprehended and the area is declared fully secure. Commanders emphasised that restoring state authority over prisons and security institutions is critical to long-term stability.

Officials added that coordination with local communities would be increased to gather intelligence and prevent militants from blending into civilian populations. The army urged residents to cooperate with security forces and report suspicious activity.

The developments come amid a fragile security environment in Syria, where shifting alliances and unresolved conflicts continue to complicate efforts to defeat extremist groups. Control over detention facilities remains a key issue, particularly in regions where multiple forces operate.

Government officials reiterated that any action endangering public safety would be met with firm measures. They stressed that the state would not allow the re-emergence of Daesh under any circumstances.

As operations continue, attention remains focused on whether the arrests will succeed in neutralising remaining threats and whether negotiations over prison control can prevent similar incidents in the future.

Syria’s recovery is not just symbolic—it’s strategic. A stable, unified Syria is essential for regional security, refugee returns, and long-term economic integration.

The war in Syria may not be over on paper, but on the ground, the tide has clearly turned. Since the collapse of the Assad regime in December 2024, nearly 250,000 Syrian refugees in Turkey have returned home. This movement is not driven by propaganda or pressure, but by something far more powerful: the hope that Syria, at long last, is stabilizing.

That hope is grounded in real, visible change. The Damascus Stock Exchange has reopened, signaling a cautious but meaningful restart of the formal economy. Finance Minister Mohammed Yisr Barnieh called it a message to the world—that Syria is back in business.

The turning point came on May 13, when U.S. President Donald Trump, during a landmark visit to Riyadh, announced the lifting of sanctions on Syria. Ten days later, the U.S. Treasury issued General License 25, permitting transactions with Syria’s new transitional government, headed by President Ahmad Al-Sharaa. The EU swiftly followed with a coordinated suspension of its own sanctions regime. In less than two weeks, Syria went from pariah to partner in the eyes of global policymakers.

The momentum is not only diplomatic. Gulf states are stepping up. On Saturday, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud, speaking from Damascus, announced a joint initiative with Qatar to help fund salaries for Syrian civil servants. These are the sorts of actions that turn ceasefires into recoveries.

And yet, despite these gains, Syria’s path forward still faces one last—and deeply entrenched—obstacle: the PKK-affiliated administration in northeast Syria, branded to the world as the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), and militarily represented by the PYD and SDF.

Let’s be candid. For years, Western governments, NGOs, and think tanks have celebrated the AANES as a “progressive” alternative in Syria. But the reality on the ground tells a much darker story. Despite controlling vast natural resources, receiving billions in foreign aid, and enjoying unprecedented U.S. military protection, the AANES has delivered little more than corruption, repression, and instability.

Entire Arab and Assyrian communities have been displaced under their watch. Basic services remain in disrepair. Youth conscription, political detentions, and even child recruitment are not allegations—they are documented practices. Many in Raqqa, Deir Ezzor, and Hasakah view the AANES not as a government but as an occupying structure—an extension of the PKK’s transnational project, not a legitimate representative of the Syrian people.

This is not just Syria’s internal issue. It’s a regional problem. The longer these entities maintain their grip, the harder it becomes to achieve a unified, sovereign Syrian state capable of rebuilding and reconciling.

To its credit, the transitional government in Damascus has not responded with vengeance. President Al-Sharaa has focused on restoring institutions, rebuilding national infrastructure, and pursuing a post-conflict political identity that moves beyond sectarianism. But these efforts will remain incomplete until all Syrian territories are returned to accountable, sovereign administration.

In this context, the reopening of the U.S. embassy in Damascus sends a powerful signal. Newly appointed American envoy Thomas Barrack—who also serves as the U.S. ambassador to Turkey—raised the American flag over the embassy for the first time since 2012. He praised Syria’s new leadership and openly discussed the prospect of peace between Syria and Israel—once a diplomatic impossibility. Barrack noted that the Caesar Act sanctions must now be repealed by Congress, describing President Trump as impatient with sanctions that obstruct reconstruction.

None of this should be mistaken for instant success. The Syrian state remains fragile. Public sector wages are still well below the cost of living. Corruption, while being addressed, is not yet defeated. And sectarian wounds—especially those left by clashes between pro-Assad remnants and local communities—will take time to heal.

But from my perspective as a European political analyst, this is the first time in years that Syria’s future feels negotiable rather than doomed.

To my Arab readers: Syria’s recovery is not just symbolic—it’s strategic. A stable, unified Syria is essential for regional security, refugee returns, and long-term economic integration.

To Western policymakers: the failed experiment of non-state actors ruling eastern Syria must end. It did not bring democracy. It brought dysfunction. The time has come to support a Syrian solution, not a Kurdish separatist detour funded by Western guilt and strategic confusion.

The Syrian war broke the country. But the outlines of recovery are finally emerging. The world has a choice: engage constructively—or prolong the suffering under the illusion of alternatives that have long since collapsed.