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		<title>Ben-Gvir Visit to Al-Aqsa Sparks Jordan Condemnation</title>
		<link>https://millichronicle.com/2026/04/65110.html</link>
		
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		<pubDate>Sun, 12 Apr 2026 16:46:27 +0000</pubDate>
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					<description><![CDATA[Jerusalem— Itamar Ben-Gvir visited the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound on Sunday, calling for expanded access for Jewish worshippers and prompting condemnation]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[
<p><strong>Jerusalem</strong>— Itamar Ben-Gvir visited the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound on Sunday, calling for expanded access for Jewish worshippers and prompting condemnation from Jordan, which said the move violated longstanding arrangements governing the sensitive site.</p>



<p>Ben-Gvir, a far-right member of Israel’s government, said during the visit that he was pushing for increased Jewish prayer rights at the compound, known to Jews as the Temple Mount and revered by Muslims as Islam’s third-holiest site.</p>



<p>“Today, I feel like the owner here,” he said in a video released by his office, adding that more changes were needed and urging Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to take further steps.</p>



<p>The compound, located in Jerusalem’s Old City, is administered by a Jordanian religious authority under a decades-old status quo arrangement that permits Jewish visits but prohibits prayer at the site.</p>



<p>Jordan’s foreign ministry said Ben-Gvir’s visit constituted “a desecration of its sanctity, a condemnable escalation and an unacceptable provocation,” warning that it breached the established status quo.</p>



<p>Ben-Gvir’s spokesman said the minister had sought broader access and prayer permits for Jewish visitors and confirmed that he had prayed during the visit.There was no immediate response from Netanyahu’s office. </p>



<p>In previous instances, similar visits by Ben-Gvir have been followed by statements from Israeli authorities reaffirming that there is no change to the status quo.</p>



<p>The compound has long been a focal point of tensions in the region, with past disputes over access and prayer rights triggering unrest. </p>



<p>Religious sites in Jerusalem, including Al-Aqsa, had been largely closed to the public during the ongoing regional conflict.</p>



<p>No immediate signs of unrest were reported following Sunday’s visit.</p>
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		<title>The Illusion of the &#8216;Druze Corridor&#8217;: A Geopolitical Risk for Israel</title>
		<link>https://millichronicle.com/2025/05/the-illusion-of-the-druze-corridor-a-geopolitical-risk-for-israel.html</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Millichronicle]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 04 May 2025 17:53:42 +0000</pubDate>
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		<category><![CDATA[Aimen Dean]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Southern Syria]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Strategic Overreach]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://millichronicle.com/?p=54757</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[To Dean, the implications are not just unrealistic, but dangerous. In a compelling commentary that has stirred debate across diplomatic]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[
<blockquote class="wp-block-quote">
<p>To Dean, the implications are not just unrealistic, but dangerous. </p>
</blockquote>



<p>In a compelling commentary that has stirred debate across diplomatic and analytical circles, Aimen Dean — former MI6 operative inside Al-Qaeda, author of Nine Lives, and now a respected political analyst and podcaster — has sounded the alarm over what he describes as Israel’s “Buffer Illusion” in southern Syria. His critique goes beyond routine regional analysis and touches upon a broader, deeply rooted issue: the dangerous confluence of fantasy-driven geopolitics and expansionist ambitions.</p>



<p>Dean, whose insider knowledge of Middle Eastern militancy and intelligence lends weight to his views, draws attention to a strategy being quietly nurtured within Israel’s far-right establishment — the idea of carving out a so-called “Druze Corridor” from southern Syria to the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights. The plan, as he outlines, is riddled with strategic absurdities and moral hazards.</p>



<p><strong>A Strategy of Buffers within Buffers</strong></p>



<p>Dean begins with an explanation of the &#8220;buffer zone&#8221; concept — a long-standing tool of geopolitical defense. In its classical form, a buffer is a neutral or allied territory intended to serve as a cushion against external threats. But Dean argues that Israel’s ultra-right government has taken the idea to impractical extremes, creating a doctrine in which each buffer demands a buffer of its own, resulting in an endless nesting of expansionist outposts.</p>



<p>He describes this approach as “a game of strategic nesting dolls that soon loses all clarity.” The original objective of safeguarding national security becomes overshadowed by an increasingly untenable geographic ambition — one that defies not only logic but the basic realities of the land and its people.</p>



<p><strong>The Druze Dilemma in Southern Syria</strong></p>



<p>Nowhere is this “Buffer Illusion” more visible than in Israel’s covert interest in Suwayda, a Druze-majority province in southern Syria. With a population of roughly 380,000, Suwayda has historically remained on the fringes of Syria’s broader conflicts, maintaining a cautious distance from both government and opposition forces. Some factions within the Druze community — reportedly with Israeli encouragement — are now flirting with the idea of forming an independent Druze state.</p>



<p>To Dean, the implications are not just unrealistic, but dangerous. He warns that such aspirations are not merely about community self-determination but could be a front for creating a pro-Israel entity that ultimately seeks to physically link up with the Golan Heights — forming what he dubs the “Druze Corridor.”</p>



<p>But standing in the way of that ambition is a significant obstacle: the Sunni Arab-majority province of Daraa. Home to more than 1.3 million people, Daraa lies directly between Suwayda and the Golan, making the dream of a contiguous Druze corridor a demographic and geographic impossibility.</p>



<p>“You cannot simply leapfrog over a million people,” Dean writes, “many of whom are fiercely tied to their ancestral lands.” Any attempt to do so, he warns, would require forced displacement or large-scale violence — a move that could cost tens of thousands of Israeli lives and ignite a region-wide conflagration.</p>



<p><strong>A Strategic Blunder in the Making</strong></p>



<p>Dean sharply criticizes the lack of strategic foresight in entertaining such scenarios. He suggests that Israel’s current political leadership — emboldened by ideological rigidity and military confidence — is toying with plans that defy logic and disregard regional sensitivities.</p>



<p>He questions the endgame of such a policy: “Is it truly about security, or is it about reshaping Syria’s south to Israel’s liking under the guise of minority protection?” If so, he warns, the move could backfire disastrously by inflaming sectarian tensions and undermining Israel’s broader diplomatic standing.</p>



<p>Dean offers a hypothetical but thought-provoking counterstrategy for the Syrian government, now reportedly under President Farouq al-Shara’: grant Suwayda its independence, if that is what its people desire. The catch, however, is clear — such an entity would be landlocked, resource-poor, and wholly dependent on Damascus and Amman for basic sustenance and international recognition.</p>



<p>“If independence is what they demand, let them test the waters of sovereignty,” Dean states. “No blood need be shed. Let them go, not out of weakness, but out of strength and confidence.”</p>



<p>He argues that doing so would strip Israel of any pretext for military intervention and would reveal whether the Druze nationalist push is about genuine autonomy or strategic alignment with Israel.</p>



<p><strong>No Corridor, No Fantasy</strong></p>



<p>Dean’s analysis culminates in a stark warning: “There is no corridor. There never was.” Geography and demographics, he insists, are not variables that can be negotiated away. “No strategic imagination, no military maneuver, no political manipulation can erase geography or overwrite demographics.”</p>



<p>His commentary serves as a sobering reminder that policies rooted in wishful thinking — especially in the volatile Middle East — often lead to unintended consequences. In the case of the Druze Corridor fantasy, the cost of pursuing illusion over reality may prove far greater than any perceived security benefit.</p>



<p>As regional dynamics continue to shift, Dean’s words resonate as a cautionary tale against ideological overreach and the perils of ignoring the immutable truths of land and people.</p>
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		<item>
		<title>&#8216;Last chance to win&#8217;: Netanyahu eyes a return to power as polls open in Israel</title>
		<link>https://millichronicle.com/2022/11/last-chance-to-win-netanyahu-eyes-a-return-to-power-as-polls-open-in-israel.html</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Millichronicle]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Wed, 02 Nov 2022 07:14:07 +0000</pubDate>
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		<category><![CDATA[Benjamin Netanyahu]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[elections]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[israel]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Israeli politics]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://www.millichronicle.com/?p=31046</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[France24 There are signs that some in politics are tiring of Netanyahu’s dominance. In 2021, he was ousted by an]]></description>
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<p class="has-small-font-size"><strong>France24</strong></p>



<blockquote class="wp-block-quote"><p>There are signs that some in politics are tiring of Netanyahu’s dominance. In 2021, he was ousted by an unlikely coalition that united left-wing, far-right and Arab political parties keen to block him from power.  </p></blockquote>


<p>Israel’s fifth election in less than four years opens on Tuesday, pitting familiar rivals against each other. None is more familiar than former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is aiming to capitalise on the current political upheaval and return to power. </p>
<div>
<p>As ballot boxes open in Israel on Tuesday, Israelis hope to break the political deadlock paralysing the country for the past three and a half years.  </p>
<p>The fifth election since 2019 has seen Israel gain the dubious honour of having the highest election frequency of any parliamentary democracy in the world. Yet opinion polls are predicting another tight race. And, once again, elections are set to be dominated by former Prime Minister Netanyahu, now in the running to regain power. </p>
<p>His main rival is caretaker Prime Minister Yair Lapid, a centrist currently leading the coalition who ousted Netanyahu in 2021 after 12 years as prime minister.  </p>
<p>More than 12 months later, the prospect of voting for Netanyahu comes with baggage. He is currently embroiled in a corruption trial and is expected to unite with far-right parties in order to attempt to form a coalition government.  </p>
<p>Even so, “Netanyahu still commands a lot of popularity, whether it&#8217;s because people still believe in his politics or they just don&#8217;t think there’s anyone else,” says Mairav Zonszein, senior analyst for Israel-Palestine at International Crisis Group in Tel Aviv. </p>
<p><strong>‘Political survival’ </strong></p>
<p>Netanyahu’s legal troubles have been ongoing since 2019, when he was indicted for breach of trust, accepting bribes and fraud, and legally obliged to give up ministry portfolios except for his position as prime minister.  </p>
<p>Accusations include that Netanyahu accepted expensive gifts from wealthy acquaintances, bribed an official to drop charges against his wife, and discussed legislation to harm certain national newspapers.  </p>
<p>Yet the legal scandal does not seem to have dented public opinion. In 2021 his Likud party received about a quarter of the total vote. </p>
<p>Among some Israeli Jews, “there’s still the belief that he is the most able and the most competent Prime Ministerial candidate,” says Hugh Lovatt, senior policy officer at the European Council on Foreign Relations based in London. “He may have his personal problems, but he has been, in their view, able to safeguard Israel&#8217;s security interests and advance Israeli foreign policy.” </p>
<p>The assurance of safety is powerful at a moment when recent terror attacks have lowered the numbers of people polled in Israel who feel optimistic about the future of national security from 52% in August to 43% in October.  </p>
<p>It is expected that if Netanyahu returns to power, he will continue to pursue long-held political objectives: fighting  a possible Iranian nuclear deal and the rejection of a two-state solution for Israel and Palestine. </p>
<p>Rhetoric around annexing parts of the West Bank and expanding Jewish settlements can also be expected to return, even if major action is less likely. A commitment to remaining in power makes Netanyahu a naturally “cautious and careful” politician, Lovatt says. “His political survival rests on not upending the status quo too much.” </p>
<p><strong>An attack on the courts? </strong></p>
<p>Political survival is a running theme in Netanyahu’s policy pronouncements. He has said he would &#8216;neutralise&#8217; a historic agreement with Lebanon formalising maritime borders between the two countries signed by Israel&#8217;s current prime minister – and Netanyahu’s main opposition – in October 2022. Critics say Netanyahu would have made “exactly the same deal” had he been in power. </p>
<p>Critics are also concerned that a return to power would see Netanyahu weaken state institutions to consolidate his position. </p>
<p>If Netanyahu’s center-right party, Likud, does not gain the 61 seats required for a parliamentary majority, he is expected to unite with the ultranationalist Religious Zionism bloc. Both parties have an interest in modifying Israel’s judiciary system. </p>
<p>On the far right, Israel’s highest court is accused of being too liberal, and of not protecting Jewish interests – for example, failing to reject the maritime deal with Lebanon.  </p>
<p>“They feel the Supreme Court has been far too activist, and that the Knesset [Israel’s legislative body] should have a greater say,” says Lovatt.</p>
<p>For Netanyahu, taming national courts is a means to ending his legal problems. The co-leader of the Religious Zionism alliance, Itamar Ben-Gvir, has already pledged to demand legislation that would cancel Netanyahu’s corruption trial if he were made a member of Israel’s next government.</p>
<p>“There’s an assumption that Netanyahu has promised far-right politicians cabinet positions in return for them pushing a law that would make the judicial system less independent,” says Zonszein.  </p>
<p><strong>&#8216;Last chance to win&#8217;</strong></p>
<p>There are signs that some in politics are tiring of Netanyahu’s dominance. In 2021, he was ousted by an unlikely coalition that united left-wing, far-right and Arab political parties keen to block him from power.  </p>
<p>Although the group surprised many by staying in power for more than a year, ultimately ideological differences won out. Right-wing Jewish nationalists withdrew support over disagreements on whether to maintain legal protections giving Jewish settlers in the West Bank rights that Palestinians living there do not have, such as access to Israeli health insurance. </p>
<p>Despite his longevity, Netanyahu’s presence in political life may even be a contributing factor to ongoing instability in Israeli politics. “On paper, you have enough votes to form a right-wing coalition,” says Lovatt, “but a lot of right-wing groups won&#8217;t sit with Netanyahu. If Netanyahu was no longer on the political scene, the main obstacle to forming a right-wing coalition would disappear.”   </p>
<p>Within his own party, too, some are keen for change. “There are members who are sick of him, but they can&#8217;t say it out loud yet because there&#8217;s nobody who has risen up to take it over,” says Zonszein. “But they&#8217;re saying this is the last election that Netanyahu has a chance to win and if he doesn&#8217;t win, his time is up.&#8221; </p>
<p>A deciding factor could be the Arab vote – if voters can be mobilised. “They are the biggest opponent to the right in this election because they make up 20% of the population,” says Zonszein. “If they voted in high numbers, the Arab vote would sway the election.”  </p>
<p>Voting closes on Tuesday at 10pm in Israel, but negotiations between parties to form coalitions and decide on a new prime minister are likely to take weeks. So far opinion polls have predicted a race that is too close to call. </p>
<p> </p>
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