According to a statement from Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs early Sunday, the two South Asian nations committed not only to a halt in hostilities but also to “the establishment of mechanisms to consolidate lasting peace and stability between the two countries”.

They further affirmed that follow-up meetings will be held in the coming days “to ensure the sustainability of the cease-fire and verify its implementation in a reliable and sustainable manner”.

Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Ishaq Dar, welcomed the accord as “a first step in the right direction”.

Posting on X, he expressed appreciation for the “constructive role played by brotherly Qatar and Türkiye”. He also flagged the next meeting to be hosted by Türkiye, underlining the need for “a concrete and verifiable monitoring mechanism … to address the menace of terrorism emanating from Afghan soil towards Pakistan”.

He added: “It is important to put all efforts in place to prevent any further loss of lives.”

Earlier, both Islamabad and Kabul held talks in Doha on Saturday after the worst violence between the neighbours since the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan in 2021.

According to Afghan government spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid, negotiations took place in Doha with Kabul’s team led by Defence Minister Mullah Muhammad Yaqoob. Meanwhile Pakistan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs confirmed its Defence Minister Khawaja Muhammad Asif led discussions with Taliban leadership.

The cross-border flare-up was triggered by Pakistan’s demand that Afghanistan rein in insurgent groups accused of staging increasingly frequent attacks on Pakistani territory—and which Islamabad says operate from safe havens inside Afghan soil.

The Taliban government denies harbouring armed groups for attacks on Pakistan, instead accusing Islamabad of misinformation, and of sheltering ISIL-linked militants undermining Afghan sovereignty.

On Friday, a suicide bomb near the border killed seven Pakistani soldiers and wounded 13 others, according to security officials. Pakistan’s Army Chief, Asim Munir, warned on Saturday that “the Afghan regime must rein in the proxies who have sanctuaries in Afghanistan and are using Afghan soil to perpetrate heinous attacks inside Pakistan.”

While the cease-fire agreement marks a positive step, analysts caution that the true test will lie in sustained verification, cross-border monitoring and addressing deep-rooted mistrust. Establishing a credible mechanism to monitor adherence and respond promptly to violations will be crucial if peace is to hold.

India’s Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) welcomed the Afghan minister in a post on X, formerly Twitter, stating: “We look forward to engaging discussions with him on bilateral relations and regional issues.”

Muttaqi, who will remain in India until October 16, is expected to meet External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval during his stay, according to diplomatic sources.

UN travel exemption cleared visit

The visit comes after weeks of delay caused by the need for a United Nations Security Council (UNSC) exemption from travel restrictions placed on senior Taliban officials. Muttaqi’s name remains on a list of sanctioned individuals subject to a UN travel ban, which requires special permission for international travel.

Last week, MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal confirmed that the UNSC Sanctions Committee had granted permission for Muttaqi to visit India between October 9 and 16.

“All of you would have seen the exemption that has been granted by the UN Security Council Committee for the travel of the Afghan Foreign Minister to New Delhi,” Jaiswal said during a media briefing. “We shall keep you updated in this regard.”

India’s cautious engagement with the Taliban

Since the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021, India has maintained a careful but pragmatic approach to engaging with the regime, stopping short of formal recognition while keeping diplomatic and humanitarian channels open.

“We have been having conversations with the interim government in Afghanistan,” Jaiswal said, noting past communications between the two sides.

“You would have seen the telecon that took place some time back between the External Affairs Minister and Foreign Minister Muttaqi. Also, we’ve had a conversation between the Joint Secretary in charge and his counterparts on the Afghan side.”

Diplomatic observers say New Delhi’s engagement reflects its efforts to safeguard regional security interests, prevent the spread of extremism, and ensure that Afghanistan’s territory is not used against India’s security concerns.

Humanitarian aid and reconstruction expected to top agenda

Humanitarian assistance, connectivity, and ongoing infrastructure projects are expected to feature prominently in the discussions. India has been among Afghanistan’s largest regional donors over the past two decades, funding roads, hospitals, and educational institutions.

“Recently, when the earthquake happened, we were able to transport relief material to Kunar province the same day, and subsequently we sent more relief material via Chabahar,” Jaiswal said, highlighting India’s continued humanitarian engagement despite the absence of formal diplomatic recognition.

New Delhi has also been quietly expanding cooperation on food and medical supplies, including wheat shipments and life-saving drugs. The recent visit of Afghanistan’s Deputy Minister of Medicine and Food, Hamdullah Zahid, to attend a pharmaceutical exhibition in India underscored growing functional ties between the two countries.

Broader diplomatic context

Muttaqi’s visit follows several months of behind-the-scenes diplomatic contact between India and Taliban officials. Earlier this year, Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri met the Afghan minister in January to discuss economic and regional issues.

Analysts view the latest visit as part of a gradual normalization process, in which India seeks to maintain influence in Afghanistan while avoiding premature recognition of the Taliban regime.

“India’s engagement with the Taliban is guided by both humanitarian necessity and strategic caution,” said a South Asia analyst based in Doha. “New Delhi does not want to leave a vacuum for Pakistan or China to fill.”

Regional security, counterterrorism, and the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan are also expected to be key points of discussion. Indian officials have repeatedly expressed concern about the potential for militant groups operating in Afghanistan to destabilize the wider region.

New Delhi is also closely watching Taliban interactions with Pakistan, China, and Iran, all of whom maintain varying degrees of engagement with Kabul.
“India recognizes the geopolitical reality that the Taliban are in control,” said a former Indian diplomat. “However, engagement does not equate to endorsement.”

No formal recognition yet

India has not recognized the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, the name used by the Taliban for their government. However, it has reopened its diplomatic mission in Kabul in a limited capacity since mid-2022, primarily to oversee humanitarian programs and development assistance.

In past statements, India has emphasized that recognition of the Taliban government will depend on its actions on inclusivity, human rights—especially women’s rights—and counterterrorism commitments.

Despite these reservations, the continuation of dialogue signals a pragmatic shift in India’s foreign policy approach, particularly as the Taliban seeks broader regional legitimacy.

Growing regional diplomacy

Muttaqi’s trip to India is seen as part of Kabul’s broader diplomatic outreach to regional powers. Over the past year, Taliban officials have made visits to China, Iran, Pakistan, and Qatar, seeking investment and political engagement amid Afghanistan’s worsening economic isolation.

The timing of the visit is also notable, coming amid rising regional uncertainty over the security situation in Afghanistan’s northern provinces and reports of renewed militant activity linked to the Islamic State-Khorasan Province (ISKP).

For India, observers say the talks offer an opportunity to reassert its presence in Afghanistan and ensure its aid and investment efforts align with its long-term strategic interests in Central and South Asia.

A delicate balancing act

Experts caution that while India is expanding its contacts with the Taliban, it remains wary of being seen as legitimizing the group’s rule. “India’s position is clear — humanitarian engagement and talks on regional stability do not amount to recognition,” said a senior policy researcher at an Indian think tank.

Muttaqi’s visit, therefore, represents both a test and an opportunity for New Delhi — testing how far it can engage without crossing the recognition threshold, while offering a platform to advance shared interests such as trade, connectivity, and counterterrorism.

The mine was planted on a rickshaw, and the explosion left two dead and one injured, Kabul police spokesman Khalid Zadran told Reuters.

ISIS-K has fought both the Western-backed government and the Taliban.

Following are some facts about the Afghan affiliate of Islamic State, which U.S. officials believe was behind suspected suicide bomb attacks outside Kabul airport that killed at least 13 people:

– Islamic State Khorasan (ISIS-K), named after an old term for the region, first appeared in eastern Afghanistan in late 2014 and quickly established a reputation for extreme brutality.

– Some experts on Islamist militancy in the region say it was founded by hardline elements of the Pakistani Taliban who fled into Afghanistan when Pakistan security forces cracked down on them.

– From the beginning, the hardline Sunni Muslim group generally known as Daesh challenged the Taliban for control of key areas on the border with Pakistan associated with smuggling of narcotics and other commodities.

– At the same time, it also carried out a series of suicide bombings in Kabul and other cities against both government and foreign military targets, apparently aimed at establishing its credentials as a more violent and extreme militant movement.

– Its attacks ranged from the brutal executions of village elders to the killings of Red Cross workers and suicide attacks on crowds, including a series of bloody suicide operations against targets associated with the Shi’ite minority.

– Initially confined to a small number of areas on the border with Pakistan, the group established a second major front in northern provinces including Jawzjan and Faryab. The Combating Terrorism Center at West Point said ISIS-K includes Pakistanis from other militant groups and Uzbek extremists in addition to Afghans.

– In April 2017, a U.S. cargo aircraft dropped a 20,000-pound bomb, known as the MOAB (Mother of All Bombs), on a cave complex linked to ISIS-K in Achin district, eastern Afghanistan. It was the largest conventional bomb in the U.S. arsenal.

– ISIS-K has fought both the Western-backed government and the Taliban, but its precise operational connection with the main Islamic State movement in Iraq and Syria remains uncertain.

– U.S. intelligence officials believe the movement used the instability that led to the collapse of the Western-backed government this month to strengthen its position and step up recruitment of disenfranchised Taliban members.

– Among its recent targets was a Sufi mosque, electrical pylons and fuel tankers and Shi’ite bus passengers in Kabul. In addition, U.S. officials believe an attack on a girls school for the mainly Shi’ite Hazara minority was the work of ISIS-K.