Speaking in interviews with Jeune Afrique and The Africa Report during a two-day economic summit in Nairobi, Macron said Europe remained committed to multilateralism, the rule of law and open trade while global powers increasingly pursued confrontational economic policies.

“Europe defends the international order, effective multilateralism, the rule of law, free and open trade,” Macron said, drawing a distinction between European policy and the intensifying trade rivalry between the United States and China.

The French leader accused China of creating economic dependencies through its control of critical minerals and rare earth supply chains, arguing that Beijing prioritizes domestic processing while limiting broader industrial development elsewhere.“China operates according to a predatory logic,” Macron said, adding that Europe instead aimed to build “a strategy of autonomy” shared between African and European economies.

Macron’s remarks come as France attempts to recalibrate its relationship with Africa after years of deteriorating influence in several former colonies, particularly in the Sahel region where anti-French sentiment and military coups have weakened Paris’ regional standing.

France withdrew troops from Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger following military takeovers between 2020 and 2023 that brought juntas to power and led to demands for French forces to leave.Macron defended France’s former military deployments in the Sahel, saying French troops had operated there at the request of local governments to combat jihadist insurgencies.

“When our presence was no longer wanted after the coups, we left,” Macron said. “That wasn’t a humiliation but a logical response to a given situation.”Despite acknowledging the enduring legacy of colonialism, Macron argued that Africa’s current political and economic difficulties could not be attributed solely to European imperial history.

“We must not exonerate from all responsibility the seven decades that followed independence,” he said, urging African governments to strengthen governance and institutional accountability.Macron, who has previously described colonialism as a “crime against humanity,” has sought since taking office in 2017 to redefine France’s relationship with Africa through economic partnerships and reduced military dependence.

He also called for reforms to international financial systems aimed at expanding guarantees capable of attracting larger volumes of private investment into African economies.

“A new era is about to start,” Macron said, expressing confidence that the Sahel region would eventually return to democratic governance under elected civilian leadership.

Goita’s televised address came after West Africa’s Al-Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat Al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and a Tuareg-led separatist alliance launched attacks on Mali’s main army base and the area near Bamako’s airport on Saturday, while also forcing Russian-backed government forces out of the strategic northern town of Kidal.

The offensive marked one of the most significant coordinated assaults against Mali’s military government in recent years, raising concerns over a broader territorial shift in the country’s vast northern desert and the growing operational reach of armed groups active across the Sahel.Mali’s Defense Minister Sadio Camara was killed in the attacks, dealing a major blow to the ruling junta.

Goita had not been seen publicly until Tuesday afternoon, when his office released photographs of him meeting Russian Ambassador Igor Gromyko at the presidential palace in Bamako.

According to a statement from Goita’s office, the two discussed “the current situation and the strong partnership between Bamako and Moscow,” while Gromyko reaffirmed Russia’s commitment to supporting Mali in its fight against what the government described as international terrorism.

Goita also visited a hospital treating those wounded in the attacks and offered condolences to Camara’s family before addressing the nation on state television.“The situation is under control,” Goita said, adding that military operations would continue until the “complete neutralization of the groups involved.”

The scale of Saturday’s attacks demonstrated an unusual level of coordination between insurgent factions with differing political and ideological objectives, highlighting the mounting pressure on Mali’s armed forces despite years of military cooperation with Russian security partners.

In a video message circulated on Tuesday, JNIM spokesperson Bina Diarra described the attacks as retaliation for drone strikes and other operations carried out by Malian forces and threatened to impose a siege on Bamako.“As of today, Bamako is closed off from all sides,” he said.JNIM had previously imposed a fuel blockade on the capital last year, though restrictions had eased before the latest attacks.

Russia’s Defense Ministry said on Tuesday that insurgents were regrouping after Russian forces helped repel what it described as a coup attempt, preventing militants from capturing key state facilities including the presidential palace.“The enemy has not abandoned its aggressive intentions and is currently regrouping,” the ministry said, adding that Russian forces were conducting reconnaissance operations to destroy insurgent camps and were prepared to repel further attacks.

Moscow’s response is being closely watched as Russia seeks to expand its security role across Africa while its military remains heavily engaged in Ukraine.Mali deepened military ties with Russia after expelling French troops and United Nations peacekeepers following coups in 2020 and 2021.

In the northeast, fighters linked to Islamic State in the Sahel Province (ISSP) entered the town of Menaka near the Niger border, according to five sources cited by Reuters, including residents, security analysts and an official from the Azawad Liberation Front.

The sources said ISSP fighters established checkpoints in parts of the town while Malian troops withdrew to a nearby military camp. No direct clashes were reported, and residents said civilians continued moving through the city despite the presence of militants.

ISSP did not participate in Saturday’s coordinated attacks and has long been a rival of JNIM. Since clashes between the two groups began in 2019, they have fought hundreds of battles that have killed more than 2,100 people, according to data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data project.

Judges said the reparations would mainly take the form of collective rehabilitation measures, including educational programs, vocational training and psychological support, with particular focus on women and girls who suffered persecution under the religious police overseen by Al Hassan.

Al Hassan was convicted in June 2024 on eight counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity for helping run the morality police established by the Ansar Dine Islamist group after militants seized Timbuktu, a historic desert city in northern Mali.

The court said women and girls were among the worst affected because their daily lives were tightly controlled under the group’s strict interpretation of sharia law. They were required to wear specific clothing and could leave their homes only under strict conditions, leading many to fear going outdoors.

Judges found that Al Hassan took part in or was present during public floggings and other punishments carried out by the religious police, which caused severe trauma to both victims and witnesses.Because Al Hassan is unable to personally pay the reparations, judges asked the ICC’s Trust Fund for Victims to help finance the compensation measures.

The fund has until January next year to submit an implementation plan for judicial approval.Reparations are a formal part of ICC proceedings following convictions, and the court currently has five other active reparation orders being administered through the Trust Fund for Victims.

Al Hassan was sentenced to 10 years in prison. Having already spent around six years in custody before his conviction, he is expected to be released soon.The ICC, the world’s only permanent war crimes tribunal, has been investigating crimes committed in Mali since 2012, when Islamist armed groups linked to Ansar Dine took control of northern cities including Timbuktu.

French and Malian forces later recaptured the city in 2013.

Malian Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop said Bamako considers Morocco’s proposal granting autonomy to Western Sahara under Moroccan sovereignty as “the only serious and credible basis” for resolving the conflict.

He made the remarks at a joint press conference with Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita.Western Sahara, a former Spanish colony largely controlled by Morocco, remains Africa’s only territory with an unresolved post-colonial status.

The region is also claimed by the Polisario Front, which seeks full independence and advocates for a United Nations-supervised referendum on self-determination for the Sahrawi people.Mali’s decision comes amid worsening diplomatic ties with Algeria, a key backer of the Polisario Front.

The move is likely to deepen regional tensions, as Algeria and Morocco have long been at odds over the future of the territory.Rabat has promoted its autonomy initiative as a pragmatic solution, while the Polisario Front insists on implementing a 1991 agreement that provides for a referendum on independence under UN oversight.

The geopolitical context has shifted in recent months. In October 2025, the United Nations Security Council adopted a resolution supporting Morocco’s autonomy plan, signaling growing international backing for Rabat’s position.

The disputed territory is rich in natural resources, including phosphates, and its surrounding waters are considered among the most productive fishing zones in the region, adding economic significance to the political conflict.

Civilian fatalities attributed to security forces in Burkina Faso and Mali have exceeded those caused by jihadist groups, according to recent data and rights assessments, raising concerns about the conduct of counterinsurgency operations and their broader implications for regional stability.

Analysts and rights groups say the pattern reflects a troubling escalation in abuses by state forces and allied militias, particularly in areas where governments are battling insurgencies linked to al Qaeda and Islamic State. The findings come at a time when military-led governments in both countries are seeking to consolidate control following coups and recalibrate their international alliances.

Human Rights Watch researcher Ilaria Allegrozzi said Burkina Faso’s security forces and affiliated militias “appear to be more brutal and violent” than militant groups such as Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), an al Qaeda-linked coalition active across the Sahel. Her assessment underscores a shift in the dynamics of violence, where counterinsurgency measures themselves are increasingly contributing to civilian harm.

The data highlights a regional pattern in which government responses to insurgency are marked by alleged extrajudicial killings, collective punishment, and insufficient accountability mechanisms. Allegrozzi said such trends point to broader issues of military indiscipline that risk undermining the effectiveness of security operations.

Widespread civilian casualties linked to state forces could have significant strategic consequences, analysts said. Beyond the immediate human cost, such incidents may erode public trust in governments and create conditions that enable militant groups to strengthen their narratives and expand recruitment.

Insurgent organisations operating in the Sahel have long sought to portray themselves as alternatives to state authority, particularly in rural and marginalised regions. Reports of abuses by national armies may reinforce these narratives, complicating efforts to restore state legitimacy and control.

The situation also carries implications for international engagement in the region. The United States has signalled interest in improving relations with Sahelian governments, even as Burkina Faso and Mali have distanced themselves from traditional Western partners, including France, following their respective coups.

However, allegations of human rights violations could complicate diplomatic and security cooperation.Both Burkina Faso and Mali have undergone significant political transitions in recent years, with military juntas assuming power amid rising insecurity. These governments have prioritised aggressive counterinsurgency campaigns, often relying on local militias and volunteer forces to supplement national armies.

Rights groups have repeatedly raised concerns about the conduct of these auxiliary forces, which are frequently accused of targeting civilians suspected of supporting or collaborating with jihadist groups. Such accusations are difficult to verify independently in many cases due to restricted access to conflict zones and limited transparency from authorities.

Spokespeople for the governments of Mali and Burkina Faso did not immediately respond to requests for comment. Similarly, neither the Burkinabe government nor the Sharia Committee of JNIM in Burkina Faso responded to inquiries from Human Rights Watch regarding the allegations.

The reported pattern of violence reflects the complexity of the conflict environment in the Sahel, where distinguishing between combatants and civilians is often challenging. Armed groups operate in remote areas with limited state presence, and local populations are frequently caught between competing forces.

Despite these challenges, analysts stress that adherence to international humanitarian law remains essential for maintaining credibility and effectiveness in counterinsurgency operations. Failure to do so, they say, risks perpetuating cycles of violence that ultimately benefit insurgent groups.

The findings add to a growing body of evidence suggesting that military-led approaches alone may be insufficient to address the root causes of instability in the region. Issues such as governance deficits, economic marginalisation, and intercommunal tensions continue to fuel conflict dynamics across the Sahel.

As Burkina Faso and Mali navigate their security challenges, the conduct of their armed forces is likely to remain under scrutiny from international observers and rights organisations.

The balance between combating insurgency and protecting civilian populations is expected to be a key factor shaping both domestic legitimacy and external partnerships.

Nairobi/Dakar (Reuters) – A decade-long United Nations peacekeeping mission in Mali is set to end on June 30, diplomats said on Tuesday, ahead of a Security Council vote on a draft resolution – seen by Reuters – that will give the 13,000-strong operation six months to withdraw.

The planned end of the MINUSMA mission follows years of tensions between the U.N. and Mali’s military junta that came to a head this month when Mali Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop asked the force to leave “without delay”.

It would mean an abrupt halt to an operation that has been hobbled by government restrictions since Mali teamed up with Russia’s Wagner mercenary group in 2021. The U.N. mission is credited with playing a vital role in protecting civilians against an Islamist insurgency that has killed thousands.

Some experts fear the security situation could worsen when the mission departs, leaving Mali’s under-equipped army alone with about 1,000 Wagner fighters to combat militants who control swaths of territory in the desert north and centre.

Wagner’s operations have also been under question, after the group staged an aborted mutiny at home in Russia on Saturday. Its boss Yevgeny Prigozhin has said the group has been given permission to operate out of Belarus.

Under the draft text, MINUSMA would have until Dec. 31 to undertake an “orderly and safe” withdrawal, which the Security Council would review by Oct. 30. The council could then, if needed, “consider a revised timeline in discussion with Mali.”

Its operations would be pared down to providing security to U.N. personnel, facilities and convoys. MINUSMA would provide medical evacuations to U.N. staff.

But the draft text would also authorize MINUSMA, until the end of the year and – when and where possible – in consultation with Malian authorities, “to respond to imminent threats of violence to civilians and contribute to the safe civilian-led delivery of humanitarian assistance in its immediate vicinity.”

The French-drafted resolution is still being discussed by the 15 council members, but diplomats said no major changes are expected before a planned vote to adopt it on Thursday. To pass, the resolution needs at least nine votes in favour and no vetoes by Russia, China, the United States, Britain or France.

A Sudden End

Russia and China have long been seen as sceptical of MINUSMA, while support for the mission has begun to ebb from Western countries since 2021, with Britain, Germany and Sweden announcing they would pull their troops out. France had a separate force in Mali, but withdrew it last year after disagreements with the government.

A MINUSMA spokesperson declined to comment. Malian authorities did not respond to a request for comment.

A UN peacekeeping spokesperson said: “Subject to the decision of the Security Council, the United Nations is ready to work with the Malian authorities on an exit plan for MINUSMA.”

He said that internal discussions were underway.

MINUSMA was launched in 2013 after separatist rebels and al Qaeda-linked insurgents occupied northern Mali. French troops forced the militants to retreat but they regrouped. Mali has since become the epicentre of a violent movement that has spread across West Africa and forced millions to flee.

More than 170 peacekeepers have died in fighting, making MINUSMA the U.N.’s deadliest ongoing combat mission.

The U.N. had been expected to extend its mandate for another year this month, before Mali asked it to leave.

The force has been criticised by Mali’s military leaders, who consolidated power over two coups in 2020 and 2021, and by civilians, for not doing more to stem the bloodshed.

The U.N. has repeatedly complained that restrictions on troop and aircraft movements had stopped it from fulfilling its mandate, including investigating alleged rights abuses by Wagner and Mali’s army, allegations they deny.

Still, many African nations wanted MINUSMA to stay and even increase its troop numbers, they said in discussions this year.

It has protected cities including Gao and Timbuktu that are surrounded by militants, provided medical evacuations for Malian soldiers, and flown government officials across the country to avoid driving in conflict zones.

It has coordinated talks between rival armed groups in the north following a 2015 peace agreement known as the Algiers Accords, which signatories now say could fail, and was helping arrange presidential elections scheduled for next year that some hope will see a return to civilian rule.

Mali’s Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop made the request during a U.N. Security Council meeting on Friday, citing a “crisis of confidence” between Malian authorities and the decade-long U.N. mission known as MINUSMA.

“The United States regrets the transition government of Mali’s decision to revoke its consent for MINUSMA,” State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller said. “MINUSMA’s drawdown must be orderly and responsible, prioritizing the safety and security of peacekeepers and Malians.”

“We are concerned about the effects this decision will have on the security and humanitarian crises impacting the Malian people,” he said in a statement.

Mali has struggled to stem an Islamist insurgency that took root following an uprising in 2012. MINUSMA was deployed by the U.N. Security Council in 2013 to support foreign and local efforts to restore stability.

Frustrations over the growing insecurity spurred two coups in 2020 and 2021, and the ruling junta has been increasingly at loggerheads with MINUSMA and other international allies, including France.

The junta has burned bridges with traditional Western allies and turned to Russia for help boosting its military capabilities.

The United States “will continue to work with our partners in West Africa to help them tackle the urgent security and governance challenges they face,” Miller said. “We welcome further consultations with regional leaders on additional steps to promote stability and prevent conflict.”

U.N. Security Council members had started to discuss a draft resolution to extend MINUSMA’s mandate, which expires on June 30. It was unclear what would happen now.

The U.N. special envoy to Mali, El-Ghassim Wane, said on Friday it would be “extremely challenging, if not impossible” to operate in a country without the government authorities’ consent.

The majority of MINUSMA’s remaining soldiers are supplied by African nations.

Mali’s unexpected demand for the departure of U.N. peacekeepers may herald a sudden end to a decade-long mission that has struggled to protect civilians and its own troops, raising fears the country could slide deeper into chaos amid an Islamist insurgency and the possible revival of a separatist uprising.

The U.N. mission, known as MINUSMA, has been hobbled by restrictions on its air and ground operations since Mali’s ruling junta joined forces with Russian military contractor Wagner Group in 2021, limiting its effectiveness against an Islamist insurgency that took root a decade ago and has since spread across West Africa.

Despite the restrictions, MINUSMA’s 13,000-strong force has held the line in northern cities including Gao and Timbuktu that are surrounded by militants. It patrols camps for displaced people, which come under frequent attack, and provides medical evacuations for Mali’s under-equipped army.

And it has also helped to placate Tuareg-led rebels in northern Mali, who halted their separatist uprising with the 2015 Algiers Accord.

It is unclear how quickly U.N. troops could leave following Mali’s request on Friday. But, if and when they do, Bamako will be alone with about 1,000 Wagner soldiers to battle the militants linked to Islamic State and al Qaeda, who have killed thousands of civilians and soldiers and control large swathes of the country’s desert north and centre.

“If you leave, you have anarchy and civil war, especially against civilians and the weak,” Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, a former Mauritanian foreign minister who served as a top U.N. official in West Africa and now runs a regional think-tank, said on Friday. “If you stay, you are almost discredited.”

A spokesman for the Coordination of Azawad Movements (CMA), the Tuareg-led northern rebel alliance, said a UN withdrawal would be premature because the peace deal had not been fully implemented and would threaten stability across the Sahel. He said, however, the CMA had not yet reached an official position.

Relations between the U.N. and Mali’s junta, which consolidated power in two coups in 2020 and 2021, have frayed for years. Bamako wanted MINUSMA to become a more active fighting force to counter the Islamist threat, which the U.N. said was not part of its mission. U.N. officials, meanwhile, pushed for greater freedoms to protect civilians and investigate rights abuses by militants, the army and, more recently, Wagner.

Ties reached breaking point last month when U.N investigators released a report accusing the army and “armed white men” of massacring 500 people in the town of Moura in March 2022. Mali, Russia and Wagner deny wrongdoing in Moura or targeting civilians anywhere in Mali.

The U.N. has repeatedly said that the constraints imposed by the junta have stopped it from fulfilling its mission. Mali frequently denied or delayed permission for MINUSMA to move in combat zones, it said, making it less able to respond to civilians under attack or swiftly probe abuses.

Mali’s government and army did not respond to requests for comment.

Frustrated by the restrictions, Western and African diplomats called for change this year. However, following a review of the mission in January, U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres last week rejected a proposal for a surge of up to 3,600 more troops, which Mali’s African neighbours had pushed for, as well as an alternative proposal that would have shrunk MINUSMA to a political mission in Bamako.

Instead, he proposed extending the mandate for the force with only a few tweaks, including closing some small northern bases.

On June 14, the Malian government issued a statement rejecting all the proposals. Then on Friday, Malian Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop told a U.N. security council meeting that there had been “a crisis of confidence between Malian authorities and MINUSMA” and the force should leave “right away”.

The 15-member U.N. Security Council was scheduled to renew MINUSMA’s mandate before it expires on June 30. Reuters could not immediately determine whether the council – where Russia has a veto as one of the 5 permanent members – will now vote for a renewal, or how long it would take to conclude an orderly withdrawal of the mission if there was no extension.

On Friday, in response to Mali’s announcement, MINUSMA’s head El-Ghassim Wane told reporters that peacekeepers can only operate with consent from the host country: without that, the mission is “impossible,” he said.

MINUSMA spokesperson Fatoumata Sinkoun Kaba declined to comment on the logistics of any withdrawal and said the mission would follow Security Council mandates.

Restrictions

MINUSMA launched in 2013 after the separatist rebels and al Qaeda-linked insurgents occupied northern Mali. French troops forced the militants to retreat but they bounced back. More than 170 peacekeepers have died in fighting, making MINUSMA the U.N.’s deadliest combat mission.

Violence has spread into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger, creating one of the world’s fastest-growing humanitarian crises.

Mali’s junta promised stability when it snatched power; it took an anti-French stance and deepened ties with Russia. By the end of 2021, Wagner had deployed.

Within weeks, Mali imposed the flight restrictions. Reuters was unable to determine whether the move was linked to Wagner’s presence. It mirrors past U.N. flight restrictions in Central African Republic, where Wagner also operates.

Bamako and the Kremlin say Russian troops, not Wagner mercenaries, are present in Mali but only to train the army and supply equipment.

Mali’s army spokesman, Colonel Souleymane Dembelé, told Reuters this year that restrictions on MINUSMA were retaliation for a no-fly zone imposed by French forces last year. Paris denies this.

By mid-2022, restrictions prevented the U.N. from operating unscheduled flights over 70,000 square kilometres of Mali, according to an internal U.N. report from the middle of last year reviewed by Reuters. Nearly 500 U.N. flight requests – one in four – have been denied this year, according to Security Council figures.

“MINUSMA is another peacekeeping lame duck. The mission couldn’t fulfil the expectations of the population,” said Ulf Laessing, head of the Sahel programme at the Konrad Adenauer foundation.

Frustrated, countries including the United Kingdom, Germany and Sweden, which provided some of the best trained soldiers, have announced troop withdrawals amounting to more than 20 percent of the mission. France, which had a separate task force in Mali, withdrew its remaining 2,400 troops in 2022, including the air support it gave the U.N.

The majority of MINUSMA’s remaining soldiers are supplied by African nations.

Three of four units of MINUSMA’s elite mobile task force are not operational, the Security Council said in a March 30 report. In July, Egypt suspended its MINUSMA activities because of attacks on its troops. For nearly a year, its 1,072 soldiers have been stuck in base.

A document prepared in April by the U.N. Department of Peace Operations detailed a string of units – from armed helicopters and airfield support to infantry and intelligence – that MINUSMA lacked.

Heart And Minds

MINUSMA still plays a significant role in Mali. Its $1 billion budget has created thousands of jobs and provided local support by erecting streets lights or police stations in a country whose economy has been crippled by coup-related sanctions imposed by its neighbours.

It helped organise a constitutional referendum on Sunday meant to pave the way to presidential elections next year.

Crucially, it has coordinated peace talks between rival armed groups in the north, the U.N. and security officials said.

A senior U.N. official, who asked not to be identified because of the sensitivity of the situation, said Tuareg leaders had indicated that the withdrawal of the UN mission could lead to the collapse of the Algiers Accord, which marked the official end of a four-year armed uprising that seized large parts of northern Mali – with repercussions felt across the region.

Ould Mohamed Ramdane, spokesperson for CMA rebel alliance, said that in addition to its role in ongoing talks, MINUSMA had brought “calm and security” to areas where it was deployed and had dispensed a lot of humanitarian aid in northern Mali.

“We all think that its withdrawal will have a major impact on the northern localities but also on stability throughout the Sahel,” Ramdane said.

“The threat of resumption of violence with the former separatists is looming again,” said Yvan Guichaoua, senior lecturer at the Brussels school of international studies, referring to the fallout from MINUSMA’s expected departure. In addition to the loss of its security forces, the withdrawal of U.N. investigative teams would increase the risk of impunity for human rights abuses during the conflict, he said.

Attacks on civilians surged in the year after Wagner arrived. At least 750 were killed during joint operations carried out by Wagner and Mali’s military during that period, according to data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, a U.S.-based research group. Sixty civilians died in military operations in the year before Wagner came.

Restrictions in MINUSMA’s movements have meant the mission has become more and more focused in recent years on protecting itself. A U.S. official, who asked not to be identified because of the sensitivity of the situation, said 90% of troop operations are focused on securing its own bases and defending peacekeepers.

As a result, MINUSMA has struggled to counter a tide of anti-U.N. posts online, losing the battle for public opinion in Mali. In a recent survey of nearly 2,300 Malians conducted by German political foundation Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 72% blamed MINUSMA for not protecting civilians.

Over 90% said they had confidence in Russia to support Mali in the fight against Islamists.

All of those killed and wounded in Saturday’s blasts were civilians, Yacouba Maiga, the spokesperson, told Reuters by phone. There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the attack.

Mali is the epicentre of a violent insurgency that took root in its arid north following a Tuareg separatist rebellion in 2012, and Sevare is home to a major Mali military base and troops from the U.N. mission in Mali.

Since the rebellion, militants with links to al Qaeda and Islamic State have spread to countries in the Sahel region south of the Sahara and more recently to coastal states, seizing territory, killing thousands and uprooting millions in the process.

Images shared on social media showed several buildings including a petrol station destroyed by the blast, as well as injured people being given assistance. Reuters could not independently verify the images.

The attack comes two days after the chief of staff of Mali’s interim president, and three others were killed in an ambush.

Earlier on Saturday, the West African country’s government said in a statement read on national television that “a terrorist attack” had been stopped by the army in Sevare.

“Three vehicles filled with explosives were destroyed by army drone fire,” the statement said, without giving further details on casualties.

Separately on Saturday, the Malian army said in a statement that a military helicopter returning from a mission had crashed in a residential neighbourhood in the capital, Bamako, and that it was assessing the crash site.

Since October 23, pro-Russian and pro-Wagner accounts on social media have been sharing a video that claims to prove France is arming jihadists in Mali.

The narrative that France supports terrorism in Mali is common among users spreading anti-Western misinformation online. We tell you more in this edition of Truth or Fake.