This is why rhetoric like Madani’s troubles me personally! it erases achievements like mine.

India’s prominent Islamic scholar Arshad Madani’s recent claim that Muslims “cannot become Vice-Chancellors in India” and that even if they do, “they will be put in jail,” has triggered substantial debate. His remarks, framed in response to the Al-Falah University investigation, were intended to foreground discrimination faced by Muslims in higher education.

Yet, instead of sparking constructive discussion, his statement amplified communal anxieties and reinforced a narrative of permanent marginalization.

For many, it revived a familiar political tactic — invoking collective helplessness to mobilize community sentiment, while eclipsing real issues such as internal inequalities, socio-economic deprivation, and the lack of investment in education.

What stirred the public reaction was not merely the content of Madani’s statement, but the sweeping finality with which he made it. Instead of critiquing specific institutional failures, he suggested that Indian Muslims, by virtue of their identity, are categorically barred from academic leadership. This framing, as argued in the recent ThePrint column critiquing his rhetoric manufactures a sense of fatalism, almost instructing young Muslims to believe that aspiration itself is futile!

It transforms a complex structural issue into a communal indictment, and in doing so, shifts blame externally while ignoring the reforms needed internally.

Contradictions Between Rhetoric and Reality

Madani’s statement, when examined against historical and contemporary facts, quickly becomes contradictory. India’s educational landscape has not been uniformly inclusive, there is undeniable under-representation of Muslims, especially from marginalized sub-groups like Pasmanda Muslims. But the claim that “no Muslim can become a Vice-Chancellor” is factually untrue.

Muslim scholars have held VC positions across Indian universities. From early examples like Ross Masood of AMU, to contemporary appointments such as Mazhar Asif at Jamia Millia Islamia (2024), the record clearly contradicts Madani’s absolutes. Recent data compiled across central and state universities shows that over the decades, more than 280 Muslims have held Vice-Chancellorships. This number is small in proportion to population share, but it proves possibility, not impossibility.

By ignoring these facts, Madani’s narrative has collapsed into contradiction: on one side, he claims Muslims are entirely excluded; on the other, the evidence shows that despite structural limitations, Muslims have risen within academic leadership.

This contradiction matters because it exposes the underlying flaw in his rhetoric. Instead of highlighting systemic barriers, he paints the system in itself as permanently closed. Instead of empowering young Muslims to aim for academic leadership, he inadvertently discourages them. Instead of demanding reforms, he encourages resignation. A rhetoric meant to defend the community ends up weakening it.

Communal Divisions Are Real, But They Cannot Be the Only Lens

No one can deny that communal divisions persist in India. Biases, sometimes subtle, sometimes overt do influence public perception. Yet, to treat communal identity as the only motive or determinant of success risks flattening the story of Indian Muslims into a permanent victimhood model.

Such a model erases internal diversity within the community, overlooks socio-economic inequalities that often matter more than religion, ignores class privilege among the elites who often deploy the language of victimhood, discourages women and young Muslims from pursuing leadership roles, prevents collaboration and bridge-building with other communities.

Critiques of Madani’s statement emphasize this point precisely: when leaders repeatedly recycle narratives of helplessness, they “kill aspiration before discrimination even gets a chance to operate.” The voice of the ordinary Muslim who wants opportunity, dignity, and progress is overshadowed by a rhetoric that prioritizes grievance over growth.

Muslim Vice-Chancellors: A Factual Rebuttal

To provide clarity, several notable Muslim scholars have served as Vice-Chancellors across major Indian universities. Early figures include Ross Masood, who led Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), followed by Abdul Aleem, who served as AMU’s Vice-Chancellor from 1968 to 1974.

More recent appointments further illustrate this legacy: Mazhar Asif was appointed Vice-Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia in 2024, while Mohammad Miyan previously headed Maulana Azad National Urdu University (MANUU). The list also includes distinguished leaders such as Zakir Hussain, who not only served as Vice-Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia but went on to become the President of India; Talat Ahmad, who held Vice-Chancellorships at both Jamia Millia Islamia and the University of Kashmir; A.R. Kidwai, another former AMU Vice-Chancellor; and Saqib Raza Khan, who served as Vice-Chancellor of Ranchi University.

This is not an exhaustive list,  it simply illustrates that Madani’s categorical claim is false. Structural under-representation needs reform, but erasing Muslim academic leadership altogether is misleading and harmful.

Despite structural challenges and undeniable gender disparities, Muslim women have also risen to top academic leadership positions, a fact that directly contradicts the narrative that Muslims, or Muslim women in particular, are entirely excluded from India’s higher education leadership.

The most historic example came in 2024, when Prof. Naima Khatoon became the first woman Vice-Chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) in its 100-year history. Her appointment was not gestural, rather it reflected long academic experience, administrative capability, and scholarly merit. AMU, an institution often portrayed as conservative or resistant to women’s leadership unanimously endorsed her, signalling a substantive shift in institutional imagination.

Another important name is Prof. Najma Akhtar, who served as the first woman Vice-Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia (2019-2024). Under her tenure, Jamia rose among top-ranked Indian universities and secured major research and accreditation milestones. Her leadership demonstrated that Muslim women can shape academic institutions at the highest level, steering them through public scrutiny, political pressure, and administrative complexity.

Though few in number, these Muslim women Vice-Chancellors represent real, powerful precedents. Their achievements stand as evidence that the barriers are not absolute and that Muslim women, given space and opportunity, can lead some of India’s most influential universities.

My Journey as a Muslim Woman in Public Institutions

My own experience stands as quiet proof that institutional spaces in India are not permanently closed to Muslims, nor to Muslim women. Working in the South-India’s Karnataka Legislative Assembly, I witnessed firsthand that entry into governance and public service is possible, attainable, and often shaped more by merit, initiative, and opportunity than by identity.

I was not limited by my hijab, my name, or my background. Instead, I was entrusted with responsibility, seriousness, and professional respect. My experience disrupts the narrative that Muslims, especially Muslim women, cannot enter corridors of power or influence. It demonstrates that while biases exist, they do not define every institution or individual. More importantly, it shows that portraying Muslims exclusively as victims denies the lived realities of those who are breaking barriers every day.

This is why rhetoric like Madani’s troubles me personally! it erases achievements like mine. It tells young Muslim girls that no matter how hard they try, the system will reject them.

The Community Deserves Better Than Recycled Helplessness

Arshad Madani’s statement may hold concerns, but by presenting it as discrimination in absolute, fatalistic terms, it harms rather than helps. It narrows Muslim identity to a single narrative of exclusion, discourages young achievers, and obstructs the introspective reforms the community urgently needs.

The future of Indian Muslims cannot be shaped by grievance alone. It must be shaped by educational upliftment, internal social reform, women’s empowerment, merit-based achievement, and cooperative engagement with the wider society.

We deserve leaders who inspire aspiration, not those who extinguish it.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

Indian Muslim women are beginning to shape South Asia’s diplomatic landscape through regional collaborations, cultural exchanges, and academic partnerships.

India’s Muslim women are increasingly becoming central figures in shaping South Asia’s emerging framework of gender diplomacy. Their influence is rooted in constitutional literacy, legal engagement, political participation, and regional cooperation — all of which together create a multidimensional presence that extends far beyond national borders.

As South Asia navigates shared challenges such as climate vulnerability, regional economic disparities, digital transitions, and institutional reforms, the leadership of Indian Muslim women offers a model of stable, inclusive, and reform-oriented diplomacy. Their rise is defined not by confrontation but by strengthening democratic values and the rule of law, making their role exceptionally significant in contemporary regional discourse.

Constitutional Democracy and the Legal Foundations of Diplomacy

A distinctive aspect of their growing influence lies in their engagement with India’s constitutional order and legal system. Muslim women across universities, civic forums, and professional spaces have become consistent advocates for constitutional guarantees under Articles 14, 15, 19, and 21 — rights ensuring equality, freedom, and dignity.

This constitutional awareness enables them to articulate domestic challenges in a language that aligns seamlessly with international legal norms, including CEDAW, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the UN Sustainable Development Goals.

Their familiarity with major national laws further elevates their presence in public discourse. They actively engage with key legislation such as the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, the Juvenile Justice Act, and the Right to Education Act.

Through legal-awareness programs, community dispute-resolution initiatives, and university research forums, they demonstrate how national laws can be implemented effectively to strengthen community well-being and institutional accountability. In a region where legal reform and gender justice are pressing issues, their rights-based approach offers South Asia a stable and non-controversial model for progress.

Political Representation and Strengthening Democratic Institutions

Indian Muslim women are also gradually reshaping political participation in India. Their increasing presence in panchayats, municipal bodies, state development boards, legislative research institutions, and administrative services underscores a growing acceptance of inclusive governance. Through these roles, they contribute to policymaking on public health, digital governance, education reforms, women’s safety, and welfare delivery — all crucial components of modern governance.

Their participation reinforces democratic decentralization and demonstrates how diverse perspectives can strengthen institutional decision-making. By contributing to legislative reviews, policy consultations, governance audits, and development monitoring, they support India’s broader commitment to pluralism and democratic continuity. For international observers, their political engagement signals a strengthening of India’s institutional credibility and reflects a governance culture rooted in transparency, procedural fairness, and rule of law. This enhances India’s diplomatic standing in regional and global forums concerned with governance, gender equality, and institutional resilience.

Cross-Border Collaboration and Rights-Based Regional Engagement

Beyond national boundaries, Indian Muslim women are beginning to shape South Asia’s diplomatic landscape through regional collaborations, cultural exchanges, and academic partnerships. Their participation in international conferences on public policy, gender rights, climate adaptation, peacebuilding, and sustainable development enables them to contribute perspectives that resonate with shared South Asian priorities.

They also engage in civil-society partnerships that focus on humanitarian cooperation, youth leadership, and interfaith dialogue — spaces that play an increasingly important role in long-term regional diplomacy. Their involvement in research initiatives related to comparative constitutional studies, migration policy, health equity, and education access allows them to connect India’s domestic experiences with regional development frameworks.

This rights-based regional engagement supports people-to-people diplomacy, creating a foundation for trust and cooperation that complements formal state-level diplomatic efforts.

Education, Economic Leadership, and Expanding Global Influence

Education remains one of the strongest pillars of their diplomatic influence. With growing access to higher education, global scholarships, exchange programs, and leadership training, Indian Muslim women are participating in global intellectual networks that shape governance and development debates.

Their academic work in law, political science, economics, sociology, and public administration contributes to regional knowledge systems and strengthens South Asia’s presence in global policy spaces.

Economically, they play an increasingly significant role as entrepreneurs, legal professionals, technologists, healthcare specialists, and educators. Their involvement in microenterprise initiatives, financial inclusion programs, digital-skills training, and innovation ecosystems adds an economic dimension to their diplomatic footprint.

These contributions support regional economic cooperation, especially in areas such as women’s workforce participation, digital access, and community development. Their work aligns with South Asia’s broader goals of economic connectivity and sustainable development, making them key contributors to regional diplomatic progress.

India’s Muslim women are thus crafting an impactful and sophisticated model of gender diplomacy — one that integrates constitutional values, legal reasoning, political participation, educational advancement, and cross-border collaboration. Their leadership reinforces India’s democratic commitments while helping create a more stable, inclusive, and cooperative South Asian region.

For international audiences, their role offers an insightful example of how law-grounded, people-centered, and non-controversial leadership can reshape diplomatic discourse in a diverse and rapidly evolving region. By transforming constitutional ideals into regional cooperation frameworks, India’s Muslim women are redefining the future of South Asian diplomacy and contributing to a vision of shared progress, institutional stability, and gender-responsive governance.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

This is not who Muslim women are

The researcher Turku Avci, who studies gender, extremism and social movements in West Asia, said she felt “appalled and deeply saddened” by the developments in India.

According to police reports, Dr. Shaheena Shahid, a Lucknow-based medical practitioner, was arrested after an AK-47 rifle was recovered from a car connected to her.

Investigators have claimed she and her brother showed signs of self-radicalisation and were suspected of acting as lone-wolf operatives. Officials have clarified that the investigation remains ongoing.

Responding to the case, the Turku said, “A woman… a doctor… someone entrusted with healing — now at the center of an alarming terror investigation. It shakes the conscience. This is not who Muslim women are. This is not what our faith teaches. And this is not the legacy our daughters deserve.”

She argued that isolated incidents should not distort the global picture of Muslim womanhood. “Our daughters deserve a future shaped by strength and progress, not narratives of fear,” she added.

Across the world, Muslim women are rising

She highlighted examples from the Middle East, pointing to Emirati figures such as Mozah Al Kindi and Sarah Al Hosani as symbols of modern leadership, innovation and national progress.

“Across the Middle East, Muslim women are breaking barriers in medicine, education, governance and technology,” she said. “They demonstrate every day that faith and empowerment go hand in hand.”

She also noted the roles of Muslim women in Europe — educators, scientists, entrepreneurs and artists — who, she said, “carry their identity with dignity while contributing to societies with compassion and intelligence.”

India’s Muslim women have always led with courage

Turning to India, the researcher said the country’s diverse social fabric has been strengthened for decades by Muslim women who have shaped politics, activism, law, media and grassroots reform.

She pointed to young political voices like Iqra Hasan, describing her as part of a “confident new generation influencing policy,” and recalled Syeda Anwara Taimur, the former Chief Minister of Assam, as an early example of Muslim women’s leadership at the highest levels.

She also cited activists and scholars including Farah Naqvi, Zakia Soman and Tehmeena Rizvi, acknowledging their work on gender justice, community rights and international advocacy. At the grassroots, she praised the efforts of Khadija Khan and Nida Khan, who, she said, “transform their communities one life at a time.”

“True empowerment,” she noted, “comes from education, leadership and compassion — not radicalization or violence.”

Instagram message shared at the end

Her appeal was shared through a video message posted on her Instagram account avciturku, where she has around 13.1K followers. In the closing lines of the video, she urged Muslim women “in Türkiye, the Middle East, Europe, India and Kashmir” to reject all ideologies rooted in hate.

“When a Muslim woman stands tall,” she said, “her community rises with her — and the world becomes a better place.”

Constitutional framework in India provides Muslim women with avenues for empowerment and justice that are often unavailable in Islamist state

In the contemporary discourse on women’s rights within Muslim-majority societies, a significant contrast emerges between the experiences of Muslim women in India and those in several Islamist states such as Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, and others.

While challenges persist in India, the legal framework and constitutional guarantees provide Indian Muslim women with avenues for empowerment and justice that are often inaccessible to their counterparts in more theocratic regimes.

Legal Protections and Constitutional Guarantees

India’s secular constitution enshrines fundamental rights that apply uniformly to all citizens, irrespective of religion. Articles 14 (Right to Equality), 15 (Prohibition of Discrimination), and 21 (Protection of Life and Personal Liberty) form the bedrock of these protections.

For instance, the landmark judgment in the Shayara Bano case led the Supreme Court to declare the practice of instant triple talaq unconstitutional, recognizing it as a violation of the constitutional guarantee of equality. Indeed Quran does not endorse instant triple talaq, which was unIslamically followed in India.

Furthermore, the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019, criminalizes the practice of instant triple talaq, providing Muslim women with legal recourse and protection against arbitrary divorce. This legislative action underscores India’s commitment to upholding the rights of Muslim women within its constitutional framework.

In contrast, many Islamist states impose legal systems that often restrict women’s rights. In Afghanistan, under Taliban rule, women face severe limitations on their mobility, education, and employment. The Taliban’s return to power has led to the re-imposition of strict interpretations of Sharia law based on strict Hanafi-Deobandi interpretation of Islam, effectively erasing many of the gains women had made in the preceding two decades.

Access to Education and Employment

Education is a fundamental right in India, and Muslim women have access to educational institutions across the country.

Initiatives like the Beti Bachao Beti Padhao scheme aim to promote the education of girls, including those from minority communities. Additionally, various state governments have implemented programs to provide scholarships and financial assistance to Muslim women pursuing higher education.

Employment opportunities for Muslim women in India, though varied, are supported by affirmative action policies and reservations in public sector jobs. The Indian government’s focus on skill development and entrepreneurship has also opened avenues for Muslim women to engage in the workforce and contribute economically.

In stark contrast, in countries like Iran and Afghanistan, women face systemic barriers to education and employment.

In Iran, despite a high literacy rate among women, many fields of study and professions remain closed to them due to restrictive laws and societal norms. Similarly, in Afghanistan, the Taliban’s policies have led to the closure of girls’ schools and the prohibition of women from working in most sectors, severely limiting their opportunities for personal and professional growth.

Autonomy in Personal Matters

The Indian legal system recognizes the autonomy of Muslim women in personal matters, including marriage and divorce.

The Supreme Court’s intervention in the Shah Bano case led to the enactment of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986, which ensures maintenance rights for divorced Muslim women during and after the iddat period.

Moreover, recent judicial decisions, such as the Telangana High Court’s ruling that khula (divorce initiated by the wife) must be processed through the courts rather than religious bodies, reinforce the principle of legal oversight in personal matters. This ensures that Muslim women have access to legal remedies and are not subject to arbitrary decisions by non-judicial authorities.

In contrast, in countries like Pakistan, while Islamic law provides for women’s rights in marriage and divorce, the application of these laws is often inconsistent and influenced by patriarchal interpretations.

Women’s access to justice in personal matters can be hindered by societal pressures and the dominance of informal religious councils over formal judicial systems.

Freedom of Expression and Political Participation

India’s democratic framework guarantees freedom of speech and political participation to all its citizens. Muslim women in India actively engage in political discourse, participate in elections, and advocate for their rights through various platforms.

Organizations like the Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA) work towards reforming personal laws and promoting gender justice within the Muslim community.

The Indian media also plays a crucial role in highlighting issues related to Muslim women, providing them with a platform to voice their concerns and aspirations. This democratic space enables Muslim women to challenge discriminatory practices and seek reforms that align with their rights and dignity.

In contrast, in many Islamist states, freedom of expression is curtailed, and political participation is often limited for women.

In countries like Iran and Afghanistan, women face repression for expressing dissent or advocating for their rights. The lack of democratic institutions and the suppression of civil liberties create an environment where women’s voices are marginalized, and their participation in public life is restricted.

Looking Forward

While no society is free from challenges, the legal and constitutional framework in India provides Muslim women with avenues for empowerment and justice that are often unavailable in Islamist states. The Indian model, with its secular constitution and commitment to human rights, offers a more inclusive environment for Muslim women to exercise their rights and contribute to society.

In contrast, the experiences of Muslim women in Islamist states highlight the importance of constitutional guarantees and legal protections in ensuring gender equality and personal freedom.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.