Checkpoints staffed by security personnel and volunteers have proliferated across the capital since the conflict began, initially marked by military vehicles and road barriers. While some visible fortifications have been scaled back following recent airstrikes, residents say patrols remain widespread, with teenagers now playing an increasingly prominent role.

Witness accounts describe adolescents aged 13 to 14 manning checkpoints, stopping vehicles and conducting searches. A 28-year-old resident told AFP that she was stopped at two checkpoints in northern Tehran, where teenage boys carrying weapons inspected her phone and personal belongings without consent, calling the encounter intrusive.

Another resident said that beyond formal military checkpoints, groups of youths in private vehicles were independently stopping cars, opening doors and checking dashboards and mobile devices.Authorities have acknowledged lowering the minimum age for Basij recruitment to 12, citing high levels of interest among younger volunteers.

Rahim Nadali, an official with the Revolutionary Guards in Tehran, said on state television that the decision reflected demand from children seeking to participate in defense efforts.The Basij, an auxiliary force under the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, has historically played a central role in internal security operations.

It was also reported to have been involved in suppressing anti-government protests in January, during which thousands were killed.The expanded use of minors has drawn concern from rights groups and analysts. Some observers interpret the move as an indication of manpower shortages, while others see it as a sign of a more hardline approach by authorities seeking to consolidate control amid external and internal pressures.

Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, Iran’s parliamentary speaker, urged supporters to maintain a presence on the streets, framing domestic mobilization as part of a broader strategic effort alongside military and maritime pressures, including tensions around the Strait of Hormuz.

Analysts say the intensified street presence is aimed at deterring potential unrest, particularly after calls from U.S. President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu encouraging opposition activity at the outset of the war.

In addition to checkpoint duties, pro-government groups have organized nighttime patrols, using vehicles equipped with loudspeakers to broadcast slogans and display flags in residential areas.

Hamidreza Azizi, a visiting fellow at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, said the government was increasingly reliant on a core base of ideologically committed supporters to maintain order. He noted that this strategy reflects deeper challenges to the state’s legitimacy but has proven effective in sustaining control during wartime conditions.

Human Rights Watch said the recruitment of children under 15 for military roles could constitute a war crime under international law and warned that their deployment exposes them to heightened risks, including potential targeting in military strikes.

Bill Van Esveld, the group’s associate director for children’s rights, said the policy suggested authorities were willing to endanger minors to bolster security capacity.

Time and again, emotional appeals for street protests have been presented as the only recourse—akin to a one-size-fits-all remedy.

Last week, India’s Parliament passed the Waqf Amendment Bill, a piece of legislation aimed at reforming the management of Islamic charitable endowments known as Waqf properties. This move has sparked significant unease among Muslim organizations, civil society groups, and opposition political parties in the country. Despite appeals to India’s President, Droupadi Murmu, to withhold her approval, the bill has now been enacted into law.

Prominent political figures, including Muslim parliamentarians such as Asaduddin Owaisi of the All India Majlis-e-Ittehad Muslimeen, Mohammed Jawed of the Indian National Congress, and Amanatullah Khan, a Delhi legislator and chairman of the local Waqf Board from the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), have filed legal challenges in India’s Supreme Court, questioning the bill’s alignment with the nation’s constitution.

In contrast, Sanjay Raut, a member of parliament from Shiv Sena (UBT)—a regional political party—has indicated his party’s decision not to oppose the legislation, suggesting a divergence of views even among the government’s critics.

India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led central government defends the bill, asserting it is in the nation’s best interest. Key officials, including Kiren Rijiju, the Minister of Minority Affairs, and Amit Shah, the Minister of Home Affairs, have repeatedly emphasized that the law does not infringe on Muslim rights. Instead, they argue it seeks to improve the efficiency of Waqf Boards—bodies responsible for overseeing these endowments. The government has dismissed opposition claims that the bill undermines constitutional protections as baseless.

Nevertheless, a coalition of Muslim organizations, individuals, and opposition parties continues to argue that the legislation threatens the sanctity of mosques and graveyards managed under Waqf. Labeling it unconstitutional, these groups are mobilizing for nationwide protests, including large-scale sit-ins and street demonstrations, to demand the law’s repeal.

The Historical Context of Waqf Management

Before jumping to support calls for protests, it’s worth exploring the historical management of Waqf properties—endowments established under Islamic law for charitable purposes—since India’s independence in 1947. This moment of controversy offers a chance to reflect on how these assets, meant to serve religious and social welfare, have been handled over decades.

A 2011 report by the Sachar Committee, a government-appointed panel studying the socio-economic conditions of Indian Muslims, alongside data from the Central Waqf Council, revealed that over 50% of Waqf land in India is either encroached upon or tangled in legal disputes—a striking indicator of systemic mismanagement across regions and political regimes.

In Telangana, a southern Indian state never governed by the BJP, approximately 75% of Waqf land is reportedly encroached upon, with the figure rising to 82% in its capital, Hyderabad. This underscores that the problem transcends any single political party or central policy. These statistics challenge the narrative that the current uproar is solely a result of the national government’s actions and prompt scrutiny of the role local Waqf Boards and regional leaders played in allowing such widespread losses to occur.

The Gap Between Rhetoric and Results

For decades, the administration of Waqf properties—intended to fund education, healthcare, and welfare initiatives—has failed to deliver on its charitable promise. Despite controlling vast assets, the benefits to India’s Muslim community remain limited. This raises pressing questions about who has truly profited from Waqf properties since India’s independence, who bears responsibility for the encroachments, mismanagement, and misuse of these lands, and how many schools, hospitals, or welfare centers have been established using Waqf resources.

Furthermore, what actions were taken against those who exploited these endowments, and in what measurable ways has Waqf contributed to the economic advancement of Muslims? Calls for accountability and reform in Waqf management should have surfaced long ago. Instead, the same organizations now rallying for protests—many of which oversaw this decline—are accused of stirring emotions for political leverage.

Critics argue these self-proclaimed “guardians” of the Muslim community have historically mismanaged Waqf resources, often prioritizing personal or political gain over communal welfare.

The Myth of Wake-Up Calls

Much has been said about “wake-up calls” to galvanize India’s Muslim community. Yet, the reality suggests that community leaders and Waqf custodians were never dormant—they were simply focused elsewhere.

Many Waqf properties have been illegally occupied, with rents kept artificially low, allowing beneficiaries to exploit them for decades without oversight or adjustment. This pattern of neglect raises doubts about the sincerity of those now decrying the new law.

The Pattern of Response to Legislation

A recurring trend emerges in how certain groups react to laws perceived to affect Muslim interests in India. When the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and National Register of Citizens (NRC) were introduced—policies aimed at streamlining citizenship processes—similar fears were ignited, with claims that Muslims would be stripped of citizenship. Years after the CAA’s implementation, no widespread evidence of such disenfranchisement has emerged.

This history prompts questions about the opposition to the Waqf Amendment Bill: Are objections rooted in genuine threats to religious rights, or do they reflect an automatic resistance that ultimately serves political agendas rather than community well-being?

The Human Cost of Protest Without Protection

Time and again, emotional appeals for street protests have been presented as the only recourse—akin to a one-size-fits-all remedy.

During the CAA-NRC protests, fears of mass citizenship loss fueled widespread unrest. Yet, as Minister Kiren Rijiju noted during the Waqf bill debates, no Muslims have lost citizenship under CAA. Still, the fallout from such movements lingers: young Muslims arrested during protests against CAA, NRC, and earlier laws like the Triple Talaq ban often remain in jail, lacking legal or financial support from the groups that spurred them into action.

In Muzaffarnagar, a city in northern India, 24 Muslim youths faced legal notices simply for wearing black armbands as a symbolic dissent—not even a full protest—each required to post a ₹2 lakh (approximately $2,400 USD) bond. In Ahmedabad, a western Indian city, around 40 people were detained during demonstrations.

These cases highlight the risks to ordinary citizens when protests lack strategic planning, legal backing, or institutional support.

Before heeding new calls to protest, communities deserve to know whether organizers have secured proper permissions from authorities, are prepared to provide legal aid to those arrested, have a legal team in place, will accept responsibility for the outcomes, and will support the families of detainees financially and emotionally.

The Path Forward: Reform and Accountability

The current Waqf management system demands overhaul. Transparency, accountability, and effectiveness must take precedence over political maneuvering. Rather than blanket opposition, India’s Muslim community could benefit from demanding targeted amendments to problematic clauses in the bill instead of outright rejection, proposing governance models that balance religious autonomy with accountability, establishing independent oversight to track how Waqf resources serve the community, creating forums for community input into Waqf decisions, and developing long-term plans to leverage Waqf assets for education, healthcare, and economic growth.

From Reaction to Responsible Engagement

India’s Muslim community faces a pivotal choice. The current approach lacks strategy, unified leadership, negotiation, or internal reform—just a repetitive cycle of politicization until issues reach the courts. Continuing this pattern of protest and division is an option, but so is redirecting energy toward ensuring Waqf properties fulfill their charitable mission. The community must resist further manipulation.

For decades, Waqf assets have been plundered while leaders stood by. Now, as the government pushes for accountability, some of these same figures are accused of misleading the public once more.

True leadership goes beyond rallying crowds—it requires vision, strategy, and responsibility. By advocating for reforms that bring transparency and efficiency to Waqf management, the community can ensure these resources uplift its most vulnerable members and build enduring institutions for future generations.

The challenge is not merely whether to oppose a law, but how to ensure the sacred trust of Waqf serves its intended purpose: benefiting the community it was created to support.

Disclaimer: Views expressed by writers in this section are their own and do not reflect Milli Chronicle’s point-of-view.

World leaders, including former U.S. President Donald Trump, perceive Erdoğan’s crumbling strongman image

Nearly two million Turks have gathered in Istanbul to protest President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s decision to arrest his main political rival, Ekrem İmamoğlu, on what critics call fabricated corruption and terrorism charges. The move has ignited widespread outrage across Turkey, with demonstrators denouncing Erdoğan’s authoritarian grip on power and calling for his immediate resignation.

The arrest of İmamoğlu, who served as Istanbul’s mayor and was seen as Erdoğan’s strongest challenger in upcoming elections, has fueled speculation that the Turkish president is attempting to eliminate political competition ahead of a crucial vote. Protesters have taken to the streets chanting, “Enough is enough!” and “Turkey will not be silenced!” as security forces struggle to contain the surging crowds.

Michael Rubin, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute and a Middle East expert, has been vocal about the situation. “Turks are not stupid; they see through Erdoğan’s cynicism and comment on its ironies,” Rubin stated. “Erdoğan accuses İmamoğlu of corruption, but Erdoğan not only has pending corruption cases dating to his own tenure as mayor, but he has since accumulated billions of dollars in unexplained wealth. He accuses İmamoğlu of supporting terror, but Turkish journalists photographed Erdoğan’s intelligence service transporting weaponry to an Al Qaeda affiliate in Turkey.”

The controversy deepened when Erdoğan’s government reportedly annulled İmamoğlu’s university degree, a requirement for presidential candidates. Rubin pointed out the hypocrisy in this move, noting, “Not only was Erdoğan’s own degree fraudulent, but the grounds for dismissing İmamoğlu’s degree were the illegitimacy of the university he attended in occupied northern Cyprus. As with its universities, so too is it with its entire regime.”

The international community is closely watching the unfolding crisis, with speculation growing about how world leaders, including former U.S. President Donald Trump, perceive Erdoğan’s crumbling strongman image. “Trump sees himself as a winner and despises losers,” Rubin said. “Whereas he may once have seen Erdoğan as a strongman, it is now clear that the would-be sultan wears no clothes. Trump and his team are correct: Turkey is important, but Turkey and Erdoğan are not synonymous. Simply put, Trump should dump Erdoğan.”

The massive protests, among the largest in Turkey’s modern history, highlight a growing sense of urgency among citizens determined to reclaim their democracy. The Turkish military and law enforcement agencies now face a crucial test of allegiance. “Turkey’s elite soldiers swear allegiance to the state and the people of Turkey, not one man who holds the constitution and rule of law with disdain,” Rubin emphasized.

With tensions reaching a boiling point, many analysts fear that Turkey is approaching a breaking point. Some protesters argue that peaceful demonstrations may not be enough to bring about real change in a system they see as rigged in Erdoğan’s favor.

Rubin did not mince words when outlining what may be necessary for political transformation: “The Turkish protestors now fight for the soul of their nation. Every protestor on the streets of Istanbul is as consequential for the future of modern Turkey as was Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Protests might matter in democracies; however, Turkey is not a democracy. To succeed, they must march on Turkey’s palaces and prisons. If Erdoğan does not helicopter to the airport and flee the country, they should detain him, pending trial, even if passions are such that those who reach him first might simply hang him and release political prisoners, ranging from İmamoğlu to detained Kurdish politician Selahattin Demirtaş and philanthropist Osman Kavala.”

Rubin also hinted at the possibility of internal betrayal within Erdoğan’s own ranks. “Erdoğan, like Bashar al-Assad in Syria, may be tempted to hang on. While the United States will never say directly, the White House likely would not look askance at regional states that would offer reward to any Erdoğan bodyguard who turns their guns on the would-be despot to arrest him or, if he resists, to kill him.”

The coming days will be critical for Turkey’s political future. Will the protests succeed in toppling Erdoğan’s rule, or will the regime resort to even harsher crackdowns to suppress dissent? What is clear, however, is that Turkey is at an inflection point. As Rubin put it, “The age of Erdoğan must end. Turks can either take the next step, or they will have no one but themselves to blame for Turkey’s descent into dictatorship, state failure, and eventual civil war.”

The protests in Gaza are more than just a reaction to immediate hardships; they are a plea for recognition.

The recent public demonstrations in Gaza have surprised many observers worldwide. For over 16 months, Gazans have endured relentless Israeli airstrikes, devastation, and an ongoing humanitarian catastrophe. Throughout this period, they have been lauded for their resilience and sacrifice. However, this week’s protests reveal a different side of Gaza’s reality—one that underscores the human need for dignity, justice, and relief from suffering.

The people of Gaza have become synonymous with resistance. Their ability to endure unspeakable hardship has turned them into symbols of perseverance. But as Daoud Kuttab, the award-winning Palestinian journalist, rightly points out, they are human, not superhuman. They feel pain, grieve for their loved ones, and grow frustrated when faced with endless injustice and global indifference. The latest protests are an expression of that frustration—a desperate call for attention to their plight.

The Breaking Point: Renewed Violence and Desperation

The situation in Gaza had seen a glimmer of hope in January when a long-overdue ceasefire was finally implemented. Displaced families began making their way back north, only to find their homes in ruins. With limited resources, they started clearing debris, hoping for the arrival of heavy machinery to remove the rubble and recover the bodies still trapped beneath. But just as they were attempting to rebuild their shattered lives, the ceasefire was abruptly shattered by an Israeli airstrike that killed 400 Palestinians, many of them women and children.

Israel justified the attack by claiming it targeted mid-level Hamas leaders. However, this massive escalation did more than eliminate specific individuals—it reignited a war that had already left Gaza on the brink of collapse. Many Palestinians had placed their faith in the U.S.-brokered ceasefire, expecting some degree of enforcement from the American administration. Instead, Washington chose silence, failing to hold Israel accountable for violating the agreement.

The attack was followed by an intensified blockade on humanitarian aid, leaving Gaza’s already-starving population in an even more dire situation. The Jordanian airdrops of food and medical supplies—though symbolic—failed to provide meaningful relief. As hunger and despair deepened, Gazans found themselves facing a cruel reality: neither the ceasefire nor the promises of humanitarian intervention could protect them.

A Response to Betrayal and Neglect

The frustration that erupted in the form of protests was not merely directed at Israel but also at Hamas. The people of Gaza expect their leaders to navigate crises with strategy and pragmatism, not just ideological steadfastness. In Beit Lahia, when Hamas fired a single symbolic rocket in response to Israeli violations, the Israeli military responded with overwhelming force, once again forcing civilians to evacuate their homes.

This cycle of suffering has tested the patience of even the most steadfast supporters of the resistance. For many Palestinians, the inability of Hamas to negotiate effectively or anticipate Israeli retaliations has become a source of anger. The protesters in Gaza were not only condemning Israeli aggression but also demanding that their leadership show better judgment in a conflict where the balance of power remains overwhelmingly against them.

Attempts to dismiss the protests as externally orchestrated—whether by Mohammed Dahlan’s faction or the Ramallah-based Palestinian Authority—were quickly refuted by community leaders in Beit Lahia. These demonstrations were an organic expression of the people’s anger, not the result of political manipulation.

A Call for Immediate Action

Despite growing discontent with Hamas, the protests should not be misinterpreted as a rejection of Palestinian resistance. Rather, they reflect the urgency of a more strategic approach—one that recognizes the evolving geopolitical landscape. The recent shifts in Washington, Beirut, and beyond necessitate careful recalibration. While Palestinian resilience remains unshaken, the need for diplomatic maneuvering is becoming ever more apparent.

The ceasefire must be reinstated immediately. This is not just a demand for temporary relief but a necessity for survival. The ongoing blockade of food and medical supplies is a blatant war crime, and its continuation only serves to deepen Gaza’s humanitarian crisis. International law explicitly prohibits the use of starvation as a weapon of war, yet the global community has failed to enforce these laws when it comes to Israel’s actions in Gaza.

A comprehensive political process must follow the ceasefire. The reconstruction of Gaza is essential, but it cannot happen in a vacuum. Any meaningful rebuilding effort must be accompanied by a serious peace initiative—one that includes the release of prisoners, restoration of basic human rights, and an end to the indiscriminate targeting of civilians.

Will the World Listen?

The protests in Gaza are more than just a reaction to immediate hardships; they are a plea for recognition. Palestinians are not just statistics in an ongoing conflict—they are human beings with emotions, aspirations, and the right to live in dignity. Their suffering has been met with indifference for far too long. It is time for the world to listen.

Arab nations must take a stronger stand. While public outrage in the region remains high, political action has been lacking. Diplomatic pressure on Israel must be increased, and unconditional support for its war policies must be challenged. The international community, too, must move beyond empty statements and push for tangible accountability.

The cries from Gaza should not be ignored. They serve as a stark reminder that this war is not just about military strategies or political power plays—it is about real lives being lost, real families being destroyed, and real suffering that must end. The time for action is now, before more innocent lives are lost to a conflict that has already claimed too many.

He regards demonstrations as the work of the enemy, suggesting that they have not and will not bring any real good.

Saudi scholar, Mohammad bin Abdullah Al-Maliki, has recently made a significant statement regarding protests in support of Palestine. He emphasized that participating in demonstrations is counterproductive and urged the Muslims to offer supplications instead.

Citing Quranic verses and the actions of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), he underlines the efficacy of prayer as a means of support.

In his statement, Al-Maliki said, “It is astonishing that Muslims demonstrate in support of their causes, including the Palestinian case, even though this has not and will not benefit the Palestinians in any way. What benefits them is supplication”.

He draws attention to the Quranic verse in Surah Al-Anfal (8:9), which reads, “Remember when you asked help of your Lord, and He answered you, ‘Indeed, I will reinforce you with a thousand from the angels, following one another.'”

To further illustrate his point, Al-Maliki refers to the history of the Battle of Badr. He quotes Ibn Abbas, who described the Prophet Muhammad’s (peace be upon him) response when faced with a daunting situation. On the day of Badr, the Prophet, peace be upon him, faced a numerically superior enemy, with only 319 of his companions against a force of a thousand pagans.

In this moment of uncertainty, he turned to God in supplication. “O Allah, fulfill for me what you promised me,” he implored. And as Ibn Abbas narrates, “Allah provided him with Angels”.

Al-Maliki draws a clear distinction between the efficacy of supplication and the consequences of demonstrations. He regards demonstrations as the work of the enemy, suggesting that they have not and will not bring any real good.

The Ulema’s guidance to prioritize supplication over protests is rooted in a belief in the power of prayer, a cornerstone of Islamic faith. Muslims are encouraged to seek divine intervention through prayer, believing that their appeals to Allah can lead to positive outcomes.

While the debate over the efficacy of protests and supplication continues, the Ulema’s perspective underscores the importance of faith and trust in divine guidance. Their message serves as a reminder that in the face of challenging situations, Muslims are encouraged to turn to prayer as a means of seeking positive change and support for the Palestinian cause.

Jerusalem (Reuters) – Hundreds of Israeli reservists marched in Tel Aviv on Wednesday threatening to refuse their volunteer service if the government presses ahead with its controversial plan to curb the power of the Supreme Court.

The drive by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s nationalist-religious coalition to strip the court of some of its review powers has triggered mass protests across Israel and stirred deep concern among allies, including the United States.

Protests have intensified as ratification nears, while one cabinet minister said the government could rethink its polarising drive to overhaul the judiciary if protests escalate.

Protesting reservists from some of the military’s most elite formations including combat pilots and Special Forces units have attracted particular attention, stirring alarm from defence chiefs worried that the protests risk compromising national security.

The Israeli military declined to comment.

The government and its supporters say the proposed changes are needed to rein in what they see as activist judges encroaching into the political sphere.

But for those opposed, the proposals undermine Israel’s democratic values and break the “unwritten contract” it has with its armed forces, said Ron Scherf, 51, a lieutenant colonel in the General Staff Reconnaissance Unit who has been in the reserves for 23 years and was among those protesting.

“Every soldier who endangers his life and goes on missions does that for a state that is defined as Jewish and democratic,” he told Reuters. “But if you take one of those out, if the country stops being Jewish or democratic, it’s not longer a country that can be protected,” he said.

Protest organizers shared with Reuters 300 letters from military doctors who have said they would not serve and shared a letter signed by 750 reservists in special operations saying they won’t report for duty if the legislation passes.

While Reuters could not independently verify the signatures, the organizers say they have verified each name signed.

One 30-year-old captain in the reserves, who declined to give his name ahead of the protest, said he had a list of more than 1,000 signatures of reservists who pledged to suspend their volunteer service.

The conscript military draws on reserves in wartime and requires that they undergo regular training.

Soldiers who refuse to report for volunteer service are not in violation of military or civil law and thus cannot be punished. Some reservists have made clear that if Israel entered a state of emergency, they would report for emergency call-ups.

Israeli Military Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi, during an air force base visit on Wednesday, called the volunteer system critical, adding: “The calls for non-reporting hurt.”

Massive protests started off in the gulf-state on Monday leading to arrests and lock-down over discriminatory election law approved by Emir Tamim Al Thani.

The new discriminatory law that states only those Qataris who settled in the country before 1930, can take part in the elections, which infuriated members of Al Murrah tribe who constitute 25% of the Qatari population.

#QatarNow conflicting reports of shots fired by the security forces on the protesters and at least one person killed. pic.twitter.com/TCWbhD3E5k

— Khaled H. Alshareef خالد حمود الشريف (@0khalodi0) August 12, 2021

Security forces raided several houses and citizens were detained based on suspicion.

مليشيا تميم المدعومة تركيًا تداهم منازل المواطنين القطرين pic.twitter.com/1vrzD4wPFo

— الأسلمي (@ali_alaslmy4700) August 12, 2021

It’s also reported that Qatari royal family has always marginalized the tribe.

Meanwhile, Qatar’s Al-Jazeera media network is questioned for turning blind-eye towards the events. Though the network is popular for reporting every small and big event taking place in the region, especially during the Arab-Spring 2011 it played an infamous role.

الجزيرة تغطي كل صغيره وكبيرة في الوطن العربية وجاهزة لاي تحريض واشعال الفتن اما في #قطر يبدوا انه لا يوجد لديهم مراسلين #انتخابات_مجلس_الشوري #تسليم_البشير_إهانة_للسودان

— محمد الكواري (@kuwarimud) August 12, 2021

Qatar’s emir approved new laws on July 29th for its first legislative election in October, when Qataris will elect two-thirds of the advisory Shura Council. The new law states that candidates must be “originally from Qatar” that is settled in the gulf-state before 1930—whose grandfather was born in Qatar, and their age must be above 30 years.

The law infuriated members of Al Murrah tribe who constitute 25% of the Qatari population, yet they have constantly faced discrimination by the Qatari royal family.

The tribesmen demanded the Qatari government to give them full citizenship rights and to immediately release seven Qatari citizens detained by the Secret Services.

Fearing the massive back-lash the government imposed lockdown and road-blocks in certain areas.

Qatar played a pivotal role in fueling the Arab-Spring in 2011 through its Al-Jazeera media outlet. The neighboring gulf-states like Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and United Arab Emirates cut-off all the relations with Qatar in 2017 for its involvement in sponsoring terrorism, and hosting Islamist leader Yousuf Al-Qardawi who passed religious verdicts to carry out protests during the Arab Spring—which resulted in humongous loss of human lives and absolute downfall of the economy.

Qatar is also accused of financing propaganda machineries in the region against the fellow gulf-states.

President Kais Saied said he would assume executive authority with the assistance of a new prime minister, in the biggest challenge yet to the democratic system Tunisia introduced in a 2011 revolution.

Crowds of people quickly flooded the capital and other cities to support Saied, cheering and honking car horns in scenes that recalled the revolution, which triggered the Arab Spring protests that convulsed the Middle East.

As his supporters filled the central Habib Bourguiba Avenue, the epicentre of the 2011 revolution, Saied joined them in the street, state television pictures showed.

However, the extent of backing for Saied’s moves against a fragile government and divided parliament was not clear, as Parliament Speaker Rached Ghannouchi called on Tunisians to come into the streets to stop what he called a coup.

Saied, in his televised statement announcing his move, had warned against any violent response.

“I warn any who think of resorting to weapons… and whoever shoots a bullet, the armed forces will respond with bullets,” he said in a statement carried on television.

Hours after the statement, military vehicles surrounded the parliament building as people nearby cheered and sang the national anthem, two witnesses said. Local media reported that the army had also surrounded the state television building.

Years of paralysis, corruption, declining state services and growing unemployment had already soured many Tunisians on their political system before the COVID-19 pandemic hammered the economy last year and coronavirus infection rates shot up this summer.

Protests, called by social media activists but not backed by any of the big political parties, took place on Sunday with much of the anger focused on the moderate Islamist Ennahda party, the biggest in parliament.

Ennahda, banned before the revolution, has been the most consistently successful party since 2011 and a member of successive coalition governments.

Its leader the parliament speaker Ghannouchi, immediately labelled Saied’s decision “a coup against the revolution and constitution” in a phone call to Reuters.

“We consider the institutions still standing, and the supporters of the Ennahda and the Tunisian people will defend the revolution,” he added, raising the prospect of confrontations between supporters of Ennahda and Saied.

After calling for people to come onto the streets in protest in a video message later in the night, Ghannouchi said the parliament would meet in defiance of Saied’s move.

The leader of another party, Karama, and former President Moncef Marzouki both joined Ennahda in calling Saied’s move a coup.

“I ask the Tunisian people to pay attention to the fact that they imagine this to be the beginning of the solution. It is the beginning of slipping into an even worse situation,” Marzouki said in a video statement.

Disputes

Crowds numbering in the tens of thousands stayed on the streets of Tunis and other cities, with some people setting off fireworks, for hours after Saied’s announcement as helicopters circled overhead.

“We have been relieved of them,” said Lamia Meftahi, a woman celebrating in central Tunis after Saied’s statement, speaking of the parliament and government.

“This is the happiest moment since the revolution,” she added.

Police used teargas to disperse people who tried to storm the Ennahda headquarters in Tunis late on Sunday.

Saied said in his statement that his actions were in line with Article 80 of the constitution, and also cited the article to suspend the immunity of members of parliament.

“Many people were deceived by hypocrisy, treachery and robbery of the rights of the people,” he said.

The president and the parliament were both elected in separate popular votes in 2019, while Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi took office last summer, replacing another short-lived government.

Saied, an independent without a party behind him, swore to overhaul a complex political system plagued by corruption. Meanwhile the parliamentary election delivered a fragmented chamber in which no party held more than a quarter of seats.

Disputes over Tunisia’s constitution were intended to be settled by a constitutional court. However, seven years after the constitution was approved, the court has yet to be installed after disputes over the appointment of judges.

The president has been enmeshed in political disputes with Mechichi for over a year, as the country grapples with an economic crisis, a looming fiscal crunch and a flailing response to the pandemic.

Under the constitution, the president has direct responsibility only for foreign affairs and the military, but after a government debacle with walk-in vaccination centres last week, he told the army to take charge of the pandemic response.

Tunisia’s soaring infection and death rates have added to public anger at the government as the country’s political parties bickered.

Meanwhile, Mechichi was attempting to negotiate a new loan with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that was seen as crucial to averting a looming fiscal crisis as Tunisia struggles to finance its budget deficit and coming debt repayments.

Disputes over the economic reforms, seen as needed to secure the loan but which could hurt ordinary Tunisians by ending subsidies or cutting public sector jobs, had already brought the government close to collapse.

At least 80% of the country’s problems are due to inefficiency and corruption of officials.

During the forty years since the anti-monarchy revolution, Iran has earned nearly $ 1,377 billion in oil sales, of which about 

$ 700 billion was earned during Ahmadinejad’s presidency. However, when Ahmadinejad’s eight-year term ended, he left nothing but a ruined and bankrupt economy.  

Because in addition to the theft and looting of Iranian nation’s assets by those around him and the corrupt ministers of his cabinet, he had spent the country’s income to the Revolutionary Guards, internal repression apparatus, exporting terrorism abroad, and Iran’s missile and nuclear programs. . The people of Iran benefited absolutely nothing from the windfall during the Ahmadinejad era. 

After his departure and the arrival of Rouhani, the situation worsened so much that during Rouhani’s term, the rate of theft and astronomical looting of the country’s assets broke a record. Some of these huge thefts that were exposed during the factional disputes revealed their dimensions.

For example, it was revealed that Ali Rastegar Sorkheh, who was the CEO of Sepah Bank, with the help of Hossein Fereydoun, the brother of President Hassan Rouhani embezzled more than 3,700 billion tomans (Iran’s currency) from this bank. In another case, two women affiliated with Rouhani’s brother embezzled 600 billion tomans and left Iran. The above are just two embezzle cases among tens and hundreds.

Rouhani, being part of the circle of corruption, instead of trying to stop these corruptions, tried his best to either ignore them or justify them through lies and deceiving. Time after time, he promised a better future for the people of Iran and delivered hollow promises in almost all his speeches, which were too many.  

But now, after eight years in power, the situation in Iran is so devastating that he himself cannot hide it, but now he blames the failure of his government on President Trump and US sanctions.  

Meanwhile, according to a regime official, at least 80% of the country’s problems are due to inefficiency and corruption of officials and have nothing to do with the sanctions.

The situation in Iran is so bad that according to experts, at no point in the last 42 years, even during the eight-year Iran-Iraq war has the situation in Iran been so critical, and now that Raisi who is more illiterate than Rouhani, and knows nothing about management or economy is appointed as president, you could imagine what will happen.

According to a regime’s expert, the social and economic problems Raisi will be facing are like a minefield. Every step, in any direction, could end up on top of a mine, leading to explosions and the collapse of the regime.

This expert has defined some important characters of this minefield as follows:

1- The budget deficit of 350,000 billion tomans for this year, that we are midway through. Due to the continuation of US sanctions, including oil exports, which is Iran’s main source of income, the budget deficit will be impossible to cover in the short term. The state of Iran’s economy is so bad that the regime is experiencing difficulties with government employees and workers and as usual will print banknotes without backing. This growth in liquidity, which has been around 40% over the past four years, will intensify to unprecedented inflation, which is now above 50% and for some essential items close to 80%. It has caused more than 60% of the country’s population to fall below the poverty line and the middle class to disappear. High prices of almost everything has been instrumental in forcing more than 38 million people to move to the outskirts of cities and live in shantytowns that lack basic facilities.

2- Lack of transparency of Iran’s banking system is another problem that has intensified significantly during the eight years of Rouhani’s term and the government’s debt to pension funds has grown significantly. Rouhani’s government has continuously withdrawn money from these funds to cover its expenses, which resulted in increasing government debt and further devaluation of Iran’s national currency. In 2020, the Iranian currency was the second weakest circulating currency, only behind the Venezuelan Bolivar, and its value has depreciated by more than 3,500 times compared to the beginning of the revolution. According to the head of the Tehran Chamber of Commerce, the resilience of Iran’s economy now ranks 128th out of 130 countries. On the other hand, Iranian society has witnessed a continuous rise in class differences to an incredible extent over the past eight years.

In a government that claims to be the government of the oppressed, the vast majority of people live below the poverty line, on the other hand, according to Forbes magazine, despite the continuation of sanctions and the Covid 19 pandemic, that has hit the global economy hard, in Iran, 250,000 people live with an income of more than one million dollars a year. Thus, Iran ranks fourteenth country in the world in terms of the number of millionaires and ranks first in the Middle East.  

This level of wealth is rooted in bribery and corruption that seems to be surgically attached to this regime and has become its fabric. Meanwhile, as mentioned before about 60 percent of Iranians live below the “official poverty line” and about 30 percent below the “absolute poverty line.” In fact, in Iran today there is a very small class of “super-rich” associated with the regime and a very large class of “absolutely poor”, who are ordinary people. 

Clearly, this situation can no longer be sustained, and the patience of the disadvantaged people who have faced poverty, unemployment, Covid-19, droughts, continuous power outages, and a host of other social and economic problems are being tested every hour of every day.  

Right now Iranian people are controlled only with violent repression by the security forces. But imminently Iranian society will erupt like a volcano, as in the November 2019 uprising due to the increase in gasoline prices, that we saw a prelude to. This has happened many times in history, and Iran and the ruling religious dictatorship are no exception. Many experts believe that Raisi will not see the end of his four-year presidency.

Cyrus Yaqubi is a Research Analyst and Iranian Foreign Affairs Commentator investigating the social issues and economy of the middle east countries in general and Iran in particular.