Goita’s televised address came after West Africa’s Al-Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat Al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and a Tuareg-led separatist alliance launched attacks on Mali’s main army base and the area near Bamako’s airport on Saturday, while also forcing Russian-backed government forces out of the strategic northern town of Kidal.

The offensive marked one of the most significant coordinated assaults against Mali’s military government in recent years, raising concerns over a broader territorial shift in the country’s vast northern desert and the growing operational reach of armed groups active across the Sahel.Mali’s Defense Minister Sadio Camara was killed in the attacks, dealing a major blow to the ruling junta.

Goita had not been seen publicly until Tuesday afternoon, when his office released photographs of him meeting Russian Ambassador Igor Gromyko at the presidential palace in Bamako.

According to a statement from Goita’s office, the two discussed “the current situation and the strong partnership between Bamako and Moscow,” while Gromyko reaffirmed Russia’s commitment to supporting Mali in its fight against what the government described as international terrorism.

Goita also visited a hospital treating those wounded in the attacks and offered condolences to Camara’s family before addressing the nation on state television.“The situation is under control,” Goita said, adding that military operations would continue until the “complete neutralization of the groups involved.”

The scale of Saturday’s attacks demonstrated an unusual level of coordination between insurgent factions with differing political and ideological objectives, highlighting the mounting pressure on Mali’s armed forces despite years of military cooperation with Russian security partners.

In a video message circulated on Tuesday, JNIM spokesperson Bina Diarra described the attacks as retaliation for drone strikes and other operations carried out by Malian forces and threatened to impose a siege on Bamako.“As of today, Bamako is closed off from all sides,” he said.JNIM had previously imposed a fuel blockade on the capital last year, though restrictions had eased before the latest attacks.

Russia’s Defense Ministry said on Tuesday that insurgents were regrouping after Russian forces helped repel what it described as a coup attempt, preventing militants from capturing key state facilities including the presidential palace.“The enemy has not abandoned its aggressive intentions and is currently regrouping,” the ministry said, adding that Russian forces were conducting reconnaissance operations to destroy insurgent camps and were prepared to repel further attacks.

Moscow’s response is being closely watched as Russia seeks to expand its security role across Africa while its military remains heavily engaged in Ukraine.Mali deepened military ties with Russia after expelling French troops and United Nations peacekeepers following coups in 2020 and 2021.

In the northeast, fighters linked to Islamic State in the Sahel Province (ISSP) entered the town of Menaka near the Niger border, according to five sources cited by Reuters, including residents, security analysts and an official from the Azawad Liberation Front.

The sources said ISSP fighters established checkpoints in parts of the town while Malian troops withdrew to a nearby military camp. No direct clashes were reported, and residents said civilians continued moving through the city despite the presence of militants.

ISSP did not participate in Saturday’s coordinated attacks and has long been a rival of JNIM. Since clashes between the two groups began in 2019, they have fought hundreds of battles that have killed more than 2,100 people, according to data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data project.

National broadcaster ABC reported that four Australian women and nine of their children and grandchildren departed Roj Camp on Friday, citing the camp’s director, with Syrian authorities transporting them to Damascus to facilitate onward travel to Australia.

The Australian government said it was not involved in the operation and maintained its long-standing policy against actively repatriating individuals from such camps.“The Australian Government is not and will not repatriate people from Syria,” a government spokesperson said in a statement.

The spokesperson added that intelligence and security agencies were continuing to monitor developments closely and were prepared for any Australians who attempted to return independently.

“People in this cohort need to know that if they have committed a crime and if they return to Australia they will be met with the full force of the law,” the statement said.Canberra said its “overriding priority” remained the safety of Australians and the protection of national interests, reflecting ongoing political sensitivity surrounding the possible return of families linked to members of the extremist group Daesh.

Roj Camp, located in northeastern Syria, houses women and children associated with suspected Daesh fighters following the collapse of the group’s territorial control in Iraq and Syria.

The families reported this week are believed to be part of a group of 34 Australians who were unable to leave the camp during a failed repatriation attempt in February, reportedly due to coordination issues involving Syrian authorities.

At the time, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said the government would not provide assistance, using the phrase: “You make your bed, you lie in it,” to describe Canberra’s position.The return of Daesh-linked families has remained highly divisive in Australia, with some lawmakers and security officials warning that repatriation could create long-term domestic security risks.

Humanitarian organizations, however, have argued that women and especially children trapped in the camps face deteriorating living conditions, legal limbo, and prolonged statelessness.In 2023, Save the Children Australia filed legal action on behalf of 11 women and 20 children in Roj Camp, seeking government intervention to secure their return.

Australia’s Federal Court ruled against the group, finding that the government did not exercise legal control over the detainees’ confinement in Syria and therefore was not obligated to repatriate them.

Australia has previously repatriated some women and children from Syrian detention camps under earlier operations, but officials have remained cautious, balancing humanitarian concerns against domestic political and security pressures.

The latest developments suggest that any return of Australian citizens from Roj Camp will likely proceed without direct government facilitation, under close scrutiny from law enforcement and intelligence agencies upon arrival.

Emir Balat, 18, and Ibrahim Kayumi, 19, both from the Philadelphia area, entered their pleas during a brief court appearance following their arrest over an alleged March 7 incident targeting an anti-Islam demonstration outside Gracie Mansion, according to court filings and statements from federal prosecutors.

Authorities allege the two men traveled from Pennsylvania to New York with the intent to carry out an attack on the protest, which was organized by activist Jake Lang, a critic of Mayor Zohran Mamdani.

Prosecutors said the defendants deployed two improvised explosive devices containing triacetone triperoxide (TATP) and shrapnel, but the devices failed to detonate.No injuries were reported, and law enforcement officers detained the suspects shortly after the attempted attack.

The mayor and his wife were not present at the residence at the time, officials said.According to a federal complaint, investigators recovered dashcam footage from the suspects’ vehicle in which they allegedly discussed plans to kill as many as 60 people in an effort to “start terror.”

Prosecutors also said the defendants told police they were motivated by the Daesh group.Balat’s legal counsel declined to comment following the hearing, while attorneys representing Kayumi did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

The case highlights ongoing concerns among U.S. authorities over self-radicalized individuals and the use of easily assembled explosive materials such as TATP, which has been used in several past attacks due to its relative accessibility despite its volatility.

The defendants are scheduled to return to court on June 16.

The strikes hit the village of Jilli on Saturday, with casualty figures varying widely. A UN security report seen by AFP said at least 56 people were killed and 14 injured when Nigerian Air Force fighter jets carried out the operation targeting suspected militants.

Amnesty International said more than 100 people were killed and 35 seriously wounded, while local chief Lawan Zanna Nur estimated total casualties, including injured, at around 200. A market committee member, Bulama Mulima Abbas, said 36 bodies had been counted at the scene, describing the victims as traders.

The Nigerian military said it had conducted a “precision air strike” on a known militant enclave and logistics hub near Jilli, reporting that “scores of terrorists” were killed but making no reference to civilian casualties.

In a separate statement, the air force said it had launched an investigation into reports that the strike may have hit a local market, causing civilian deaths.

Nigeria has faced repeated incidents of civilian casualties during air operations against insurgents, including fighters from Boko Haram and its splinter faction Islamic State West Africa Province, which have waged an insurgency since 2009.

Recent cases include a January 2025 airstrike in Zamfara state that killed at least 16 people after vigilantes were mistaken for armed groups, and a December 2023 strike in Kaduna state that killed at least 85 people when a religious gathering was misidentified as militants.

Violence has intensified in recent months, with more than 100 people killed across northern Nigeria in the past 10 days in attacks attributed to both insurgents and criminal gangs, according to local accounts.The security situation has drawn international scrutiny, including from Donald Trump, whose administration has pressed Nigeria to intensify its campaign against militant groups.

The United States has also deployed about 200 troops to provide technical and training support to Nigerian forces.

Nigeria’s government has stepped up legal action against suspected militants, with Justice Minister Lateef Fagbemi saying authorities had prosecuted 508 cases and secured nearly 386 convictions in mass terrorism trials.

The three men, taken to Syria by their parents at the age of 11 or 12, were allegedly forced to participate in propaganda activities, policing duties and combat roles under Islamic State, according to legal filings submitted in France.

A source familiar with the case said the detainees are seeking recognition as victims of a war crime due to their recruitment as minors.Their lawyers, Marie Dose and Matthieu Bagard, said in a joint statement that the French authorities were failing to uphold obligations under international conventions prohibiting the use of child soldiers.

They argued that the men’s transfer to Iraq and continued detention amounted to inhumane treatment rather than victim protection.The detainees are among approximately 5,700 suspected Islamic State fighters of multiple nationalities transferred from Syria to Iraqi custody earlier this year, following shifts in territorial control in northern Syria.

France has opened investigations into the three men for alleged terrorism-related offenses committed during their time in Syria.The lawyers contend that, instead of pursuing prosecution, French authorities should prioritize repatriation and rehabilitation, citing the circumstances under which the individuals were recruited and their age at the time.

Hundreds of French citizens joined the Islamic State after it seized large areas of Iraq and Syria in 2014 and declared a so-called caliphate. Iraqi authorities, supported by a U.S.-led coalition, declared victory over the group in 2017, while Kurdish-led forces in Syria defeated its remaining strongholds in 2019.

Since then, thousands of suspected fighters and their families have been held in detention facilities across Syria and Iraq. Kurdish authorities in Syria have repeatedly called on foreign governments to repatriate their nationals, but most Western countries, including France, have proceeded cautiously, often handling returns on a case-by-case basis.

The recent transfer of detainees to Iraq has renewed scrutiny over their legal status and future, particularly in cases involving individuals recruited as minors.

The raids, carried out by criminal groups locally known as bandits, targeted villages in Sokoto State on Thursday, following several days of deadly assaults in the country’s predominantly Muslim north.

Ahmad Yahaya, a community leader in Dan Adua village, said at least 12 people were killed and 43 abducted across Isa and Sabon Birni local government areas during the attacks. He said heavily armed gunmen carried out the raids.

Lawmaker Muhammad Saidu Bargaja, who represents the affected areas, confirmed the violence, reporting similar casualty figures and describing the security situation as “highly devastating.”

The districts are believed to be under the influence of Bello Turji, a notorious gang leader whose network imposes levies on communities and conducts retaliatory raids against those who refuse to comply.

The latest violence comes amid a wider escalation of attacks by both criminal gangs and jihadist groups. Earlier in the week, a senior military officer, Brigadier General Oseni Omoh Braimah, was killed along with several troops during an overnight assault on a military base in northeastern Nigeria, according to local officials and intelligence sources.

Separate attacks in the northwestern states of Kebbi and Niger have also left at least 90 people dead since Sunday, based on figures from local authorities, humanitarian groups and church sources.

The surge underscores ongoing security challenges in northern Nigeria, where armed groups continue to target civilians, security forces and infrastructure despite military operations aimed at curbing the violence.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said the two sides, along with China, committed to continued dialogue after seven days of negotiations in the western Chinese city.

The parties agreed to address key issues in bilateral relations, with terrorism identified as the central concern affecting ties.

“The three parties agreed to explore a comprehensive solution to the issues in the relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan, and clarified the core and priority issues that need to be addressed,” Mao said at a regular press briefing in Beijing.Both Afghanistan and Pakistan pledged they would not take actions that could “escalate or complicate the situation,” according to the Chinese readout.

Afghanistan’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Abdul Qahar Balkhi said the talks concluded in a “constructive atmosphere,” focusing on security, bilateral relations and regional stability.

Writing on X, he thanked Beijing for facilitating the discussions and expressed hope the process would build trust and enhance cooperation.There was no immediate comment from Pakistan on the outcome of the talks.

The discussions were convened after fighting that began in February escalated into what Pakistan described as “open war,” including airstrikes inside Afghanistan, among them in the capital Kabul.

According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, the conflict has displaced about 94,000 people, while roughly 100,000 residents in two Afghan border districts have been cut off from assistance since the violence began.

Despite the talks, Afghan officials have continued to accuse Pakistan of cross-border shelling, while Islamabad has long alleged that Afghanistan provides safe haven to militants, including the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, an insurgent group allied with the Afghan Taliban.

Kabul denies the operations.

For decades, Jammu and Kashmir has remained at the center of a complex geopolitical dispute shaped by competing national claims, cross-border tensions, and cycles of militancy.

Since 1947, successive phases of conflict including tribal incursions, conventional wars, and later proxy engagements have defined the security landscape. Indian officials have consistently maintained that Pakistan has supported militant activity in the region, a charge Islamabad denies, asserting instead that it offers diplomatic and moral backing to Kashmiri self-determination.

The conflict evolved significantly in the late 20th century, particularly during the 1990s, when an armed insurgency intensified across the Valley. Indian security agencies have described this period as the institutionalization of a proxy war, marked by the rise of non-state armed groups and cross-border infiltration.

Pakistan has rejected these allegations, though international bodies such as the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) placed the country on its “grey list” from 2018 to 2022, citing deficiencies in counter-terror financing frameworks.Recent incidents continue to shape security perceptions.

In April 2025, an attack in Pahalgam targeted civilians, including tourists, underscoring concerns among Indian authorities about the persistence of militant networks. Officials have argued that such attacks aim to undermine economic recovery, particularly in tourism, which has shown significant growth in recent years.

India’s policy approach has shifted notably since August 2019, when the government revoked the region’s special constitutional status and reorganized Jammu and Kashmir into a Union Territory. The move was presented by New Delhi as a step toward deeper integration, administrative efficiency, and expanded access to national laws and welfare schemes.

Critics, including some political groups within the region and international observers, have raised concerns about federalism, civil liberties, and political representation following the change.

Since the reorganization, the administration under Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha has emphasized governance reforms and development initiatives. Official data indicates that welfare coverage has expanded, including the issuance of approximately 2.1 million health insurance cards under the Ayushman Bharat scheme.

Infrastructure in healthcare has been scaled up with new medical colleges and planned All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) facilities in Awantipora and Jammu.Education policy has also undergone changes aligned with the National Education Policy 2020, with authorities reporting increased funding for scholarships targeting tribal and economically disadvantaged students.

In rural development, more than 63,000 houses have reportedly been sanctioned under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, while tap water access under the Jal Jeevan Mission has reached over 80 percent of rural households, according to government figures.

Economic indicators cited by officials point to increased investor interest, with investments worth ₹5,600 crore realized since 2019 and proposals totaling approximately ₹66,000 crore under consideration.

The tourism sector has been a focal point of recovery efforts. Government data shows that 23.5 million tourists visited Jammu and Kashmir in 2024, marking a record high, while international tourist arrivals have grown significantly since 2022.

Large-scale infrastructure projects have also been highlighted as symbols of integration and development. The completion of the Udhampur–Srinagar–Baramulla rail link, including what authorities describe as the world’s highest railway bridge, is expected to enhance connectivity and economic activity.

Hydropower development remains a long-term priority, with a projected potential of 20,000 megawatts.At the grassroots level, officials report a rise in local entrepreneurship, particularly in tourism-linked sectors such as homestays, cafés, and small hospitality ventures.

More than 2,500 homestay units have been registered, reflecting a shift toward decentralized economic participation. Skill development initiatives, including coaching programs for national-level examinations, have been introduced to improve employment prospects for youth.

Security conditions, while still closely monitored, have shown signs of stabilization according to official assessments. The successful hosting of the G20 Tourism Working Group meeting in Srinagar in 2023 was cited by the government as evidence of improved security preparedness.

Religious tourism, including the annual Amarnath Yatra, has also seen enhanced logistical and safe arrangements.Despite these developments, the human cost of past decades remains visible.

Cases of civilian suffering continue to be documented by local communities and advocacy groups.

In Pulwama district, the case of Gul Hassan Shah, a nonagenarian who lost his son to abduction and killing in 2003, reflects the long-term impact of violence on families.

Similarly, accounts such as that of Fareeda Begum, who sought state support for over two decades after her husband’s killing, highlight administrative delays and gaps in victim rehabilitation frameworks. Her eventual appointment to a government position in 2025 was presented by officials as part of a broader effort to address legacy grievances.

The pre-2019 governance structure has also come under scrutiny in official narratives, with authorities alleging that institutional inefficiencies and political patronage systems hindered equitable access to state resources.

Specific cases, including the 2009 Shopian incident, remain contested, with differing interpretations regarding investigative processes and accountability.

Analysts note that the region’s trajectory will depend on a combination of sustained security measures, political engagement, and economic inclusion.

While the government emphasizes a transition from conflict management to development-driven governance, questions around political representation, restoration of statehood, and long-term reconciliation remain part of the broader discourse.

India’s position continues to stress that security and development are interlinked, and that economic normalization is essential to counter militancy. Pakistan maintains its stance on Kashmir as a disputed territory requiring international attention.

The divergence in narratives ensures that Jammu and Kashmir remains a focal point in regional geopolitics, even as on-ground indicators point to gradual changes in governance and economic activity.

Civilian fatalities attributed to security forces in Burkina Faso and Mali have exceeded those caused by jihadist groups, according to recent data and rights assessments, raising concerns about the conduct of counterinsurgency operations and their broader implications for regional stability.

Analysts and rights groups say the pattern reflects a troubling escalation in abuses by state forces and allied militias, particularly in areas where governments are battling insurgencies linked to al Qaeda and Islamic State. The findings come at a time when military-led governments in both countries are seeking to consolidate control following coups and recalibrate their international alliances.

Human Rights Watch researcher Ilaria Allegrozzi said Burkina Faso’s security forces and affiliated militias “appear to be more brutal and violent” than militant groups such as Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), an al Qaeda-linked coalition active across the Sahel. Her assessment underscores a shift in the dynamics of violence, where counterinsurgency measures themselves are increasingly contributing to civilian harm.

The data highlights a regional pattern in which government responses to insurgency are marked by alleged extrajudicial killings, collective punishment, and insufficient accountability mechanisms. Allegrozzi said such trends point to broader issues of military indiscipline that risk undermining the effectiveness of security operations.

Widespread civilian casualties linked to state forces could have significant strategic consequences, analysts said. Beyond the immediate human cost, such incidents may erode public trust in governments and create conditions that enable militant groups to strengthen their narratives and expand recruitment.

Insurgent organisations operating in the Sahel have long sought to portray themselves as alternatives to state authority, particularly in rural and marginalised regions. Reports of abuses by national armies may reinforce these narratives, complicating efforts to restore state legitimacy and control.

The situation also carries implications for international engagement in the region. The United States has signalled interest in improving relations with Sahelian governments, even as Burkina Faso and Mali have distanced themselves from traditional Western partners, including France, following their respective coups.

However, allegations of human rights violations could complicate diplomatic and security cooperation.Both Burkina Faso and Mali have undergone significant political transitions in recent years, with military juntas assuming power amid rising insecurity. These governments have prioritised aggressive counterinsurgency campaigns, often relying on local militias and volunteer forces to supplement national armies.

Rights groups have repeatedly raised concerns about the conduct of these auxiliary forces, which are frequently accused of targeting civilians suspected of supporting or collaborating with jihadist groups. Such accusations are difficult to verify independently in many cases due to restricted access to conflict zones and limited transparency from authorities.

Spokespeople for the governments of Mali and Burkina Faso did not immediately respond to requests for comment. Similarly, neither the Burkinabe government nor the Sharia Committee of JNIM in Burkina Faso responded to inquiries from Human Rights Watch regarding the allegations.

The reported pattern of violence reflects the complexity of the conflict environment in the Sahel, where distinguishing between combatants and civilians is often challenging. Armed groups operate in remote areas with limited state presence, and local populations are frequently caught between competing forces.

Despite these challenges, analysts stress that adherence to international humanitarian law remains essential for maintaining credibility and effectiveness in counterinsurgency operations. Failure to do so, they say, risks perpetuating cycles of violence that ultimately benefit insurgent groups.

The findings add to a growing body of evidence suggesting that military-led approaches alone may be insufficient to address the root causes of instability in the region. Issues such as governance deficits, economic marginalisation, and intercommunal tensions continue to fuel conflict dynamics across the Sahel.

As Burkina Faso and Mali navigate their security challenges, the conduct of their armed forces is likely to remain under scrutiny from international observers and rights organisations.

The balance between combating insurgency and protecting civilian populations is expected to be a key factor shaping both domestic legitimacy and external partnerships.

The attacker was believed to be targeting a nearby police station but struck a civilian residence before reaching the intended site, said Muhammad Sajjad Khan, a local police official. The blast caused significant casualties among residents inside the house, he added.

The death toll was confirmed by Bannu assistant commissioner Ikramullah Khan, who said the injured had been shifted to nearby medical facilities.

No group has claimed responsibility for the attack. However, suspicion is likely to fall on Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, which has intensified attacks in the region in recent years, frequently targeting security installations.

Bannu lies in a volatile region bordering areas that were formerly part of Pakistan’s semi-autonomous tribal belt, long affected by militancy and counterinsurgency operations.

Pakistan has repeatedly accused neighboring Afghanistan of failing to eliminate militant sanctuaries used to plan cross-border attacks, an allegation denied by the Taliban authorities in Kabul.