A Syrian security source said the explosions occurred close to the hotel where Macron was staying. The French president was not injured and continued his official program, with the Elysee Palace saying the blasts were not heard by Macron or his delegation.

According to the Syrian state news agency, 18 people were wounded in the explosions, including four police officers.

Syrian security forces said they had discovered two improvised explosive devices during field operations and had begun efforts to defuse them. The devices exploded while specialist units were preparing to dismantle them.

Preliminary findings indicated that one explosive device had been concealed inside a vehicle parked along the roadside, while the second had been placed in a trash bin. Authorities said investigations were continuing to determine the circumstances of the attack and identify those responsible.

A witness reported hearing the explosions and seeing smoke rising from the area. Security forces quickly sealed off nearby roads and imposed additional security measures around the scene, according to the security source.

The Elysee said the blasts were not audible from Macron’s presidential motorcade. A Reuters journalist traveling with the French delegation also reported hearing no explosions and observing no disruption during the president’s scheduled morning engagements.

State television later showed Macron meeting Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa at the Presidential Palace in Damascus, indicating that the visit proceeded as planned despite the security incident.

Macron’s trip is the first by a serving European Union head of state to Syria since forces led by Ahmed al-Sharaa overthrew former President Bashar al-Assad in 2024. The visit reflects France’s growing engagement with Syria’s new leadership as Damascus seeks international support for reconstruction and political normalization.

Since assuming power, al-Sharaa has sought to strengthen relations with Western and regional governments that had largely isolated Syria under Assad, while promoting plans to rebuild the country’s institutions after more than a decade of conflict.

Despite those diplomatic efforts, Syria continues to face significant security threats. During the civil war, multiple militant organizations, including the Islamic State group, established a presence across parts of the country.

Al-Sharaa has pledged to build an inclusive political order following the end of more than five decades of Assad family rule. However, his administration has faced continuing security challenges, including episodes of violence involving pro-government forces and members of religious and ethnic minority communities that resulted in hundreds of deaths last year.

The explosions occurred near the hotel hosting French President Emmanuel Macron during his visit to Damascus, where he was meeting Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa. Syria’s Interior Ministry said 18 people, including members of the security forces, were wounded.

French officials said Macron was not harmed in the incident and continued his official engagements. The Elysee Palace said the French president was unaware of the explosions at the time they occurred.

According to Syrian authorities, security personnel had discovered two explosive devices and were attempting to dismantle them when the devices detonated. Investigations into the incident are continuing.

The attacks marked the second bombing to hit the Syrian capital in recent days and came during Macron’s landmark visit, the first by a serving European Union head of state since the 2024 overthrow of former President Bashar al-Assad.

In a statement, Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Ministry strongly condemned the attack, describing it as a cowardly terrorist act that injured security personnel and civilians while they were attempting to dismantle explosive devices planted by what it called a terrorist cell.

The ministry reaffirmed the kingdom’s rejection of terrorism and extremism in all forms and expressed solidarity with the Syrian government and people. It also conveyed sympathy to those injured and wished Syria continued security and stability.

Kuwait’s Foreign Ministry issued a similar statement, condemning the explosions as a criminal act aimed at undermining the security and stability of Syria and reiterating Kuwait’s longstanding support for the country’s security.

Qatar’s Foreign Ministry also denounced the bombings, reaffirming Doha’s opposition to violence and terrorism regardless of motive. The ministry expressed full support for Syria and its efforts to preserve security and stability, while wishing those injured a speedy recovery.

The coordinated statements reflected broad Gulf support for Syria’s stability as the country’s new leadership seeks to strengthen regional and international ties while confronting persistent security challenges following years of conflict.

No group immediately claimed responsibility for the bombings, and Syrian authorities said investigations were ongoing to identify those responsible.

The insurgent group said it targeted the northern town where Malian government forces and Russian paramilitary personnel maintain a presence. The statement marked the latest claim of responsibility by armed groups operating in Mali’s volatile north, where the government has continued military operations against insurgent movements.

Residents in two additional localities, one in northern Mali and another in the country’s central region, said they heard exchanges of gunfire and explosions on Saturday. The reports suggested that violence had spread beyond a single location, although the immediate extent of the attacks and any casualties were not immediately clear.

There was no immediate official statement detailing the outcome of the reported assaults. Information from conflict zones in Mali is often difficult to verify independently because of security restrictions and limited access to affected areas.

The latest incidents underscore the persistent security challenges confronting Mali despite years of military campaigns aimed at restoring state control. Armed groups continue to operate across large parts of northern and central Mali, where attacks on military positions and strategic towns remain frequent.

Northern Mali has long been the center of successive Tuareg rebellions, with armed movements seeking greater autonomy or independence for territories they claim as their homeland. The region has also become a battleground involving jihadist organizations, ethnic militias and government forces, contributing to prolonged instability across the wider Sahel.

In recent years, Mali’s military authorities have increasingly relied on Russian security support following a deterioration in relations with several Western partners. Russian paramilitary personnel have been deployed alongside Malian forces in operations against insurgent groups, according to Malian authorities and international observers.

The security environment has remained fragile despite repeated offensives by government forces. Armed groups have continued to mount attacks against military installations, transport routes and administrative centers, challenging the state’s efforts to extend authority across remote regions.

Central Mali has also experienced recurring violence, with insecurity expanding beyond the country’s traditional northern conflict zones. The overlapping presence of insurgent factions and other armed groups has complicated efforts to stabilize affected communities.

Saturday’s reported attacks come as Mali continues to grapple with an entrenched insurgency that has reshaped the country’s security landscape over the past decade. The latest claims by the Tuareg-led group and accounts from residents in multiple towns indicate that armed confrontations remain active across geographically dispersed areas.

Authorities had not immediately released further operational details, and Reuters could not independently verify the insurgent group’s account or the reports from residents. The situation remained fluid as information continued to emerge from the affected areas.

The decision took effect immediately on June 26, according to a government statement broadcast on national television on Friday. The ruling junta, led by Captain Ibrahim Traore, said France continued to pursue “neo-colonial ambitions” and accused Paris of supporting subversive networks and terrorist groups operating in Burkina Faso and the wider Sahel region.

France had not immediately responded publicly to the allegations.

The government said the move applied solely to diplomatic relations between the two states and would not affect the longstanding historical, cultural, social and people-to-people ties linking the Burkinabe and French populations.

Traore seized power in a military coup in September 2022 and has since adopted policies that have distanced Burkina Faso from Western partners, particularly France, while tightening control over domestic political opposition and critical voices.

Burkina Faso has faced a worsening security crisis for more than a decade, with insurgent groups linked to Al-Qaeda and Daesh carrying out frequent attacks across the country and neighboring states in the Sahel, contributing to one of the world’s largest displacement and humanitarian crises.

The diplomatic rupture reflects a broader geopolitical realignment across parts of West and Central Africa, where military governments have increasingly reduced cooperation with France while strengthening political, security and economic ties with Russia and other non-Western partners.

France, which maintained extensive political and military influence across francophone Africa after independence, has in recent years pledged to move away from its long-criticized “Françafrique” policy as anti-French sentiment has grown across several former colonies.

State-run Anadolu news agency reported on Saturday that 178 of the 225 suspects detained during coordinated operations this week were remanded in custody pending trial. Prosecutors said another 34 suspects were released under judicial supervision, while legal proceedings involving the remaining detainees were continuing.

The arrests come ahead of the NATO summit scheduled for July 7-8 in Ankara, which is expected to bring together leaders from the alliance’s 32 member states, including U.S. President Donald Trump.

The Media and Law Studies Association (MLSA), a Turkish legal rights organization, said those detained included journalists, academics, lawyers, trade unionists, teachers, students and representatives of civil society organizations.

According to MLSA, those placed in pre-trial detention included Yildiz Tar, editor-in-chief of the LGBTQ-focused publication Kaos GL, Ankara University academic Emel Memis, and Nevzat Ozer of the TEMA Foundation, one of Türkiye’s leading environmental organizations, along with several volunteers associated with the group.

MLSA said environmental activists were questioned by police about alleged links to the banned Communist Party of Türkiye/Marxist-Leninist (TKP/ML), including whether they used code names or had received armed training.

Turkish authorities have not publicly detailed the evidence supporting the terrorism-related allegations against the detainees. The security operations follow broader counterterrorism efforts launched in the run-up to the high-profile NATO meeting, as Ankara tightens security before hosting alliance leaders.

US Central Command (CENTCOM) said the June 19 strike killed Ali Husayn Al-Ulaywi, describing the operation as part of ongoing efforts to disrupt extremist networks capable of threatening American interests and allies.

In a statement, CENTCOM said the strike was intended to prevent terrorist groups from planning or carrying out attacks against the United States, its partners and its homeland.

The military did not disclose the precise location of the operation, details about the target’s role within Daesh, or whether any additional militants were killed.

The strike comes as the United States continues to conduct targeted operations against surviving Daesh elements in Syria, where the group maintains clandestine networks and sleeper cells despite losing the territory it once controlled.

Washington first deployed forces to Syria more than a decade ago to support Kurdish-led partner forces in the fight against Daesh after the group seized large areas of Syria and neighboring Iraq during its rapid expansion in 2014.

The US-led international coalition subsequently helped local forces dismantle the group’s self-declared caliphate through a series of military campaigns that recaptured major urban centers and strategic territory.

Although Daesh no longer controls significant territory, security officials have repeatedly warned that the organization remains capable of conducting insurgent attacks through decentralized cells operating in remote areas of Syria and Iraq.

In April, US and Syrian authorities announced that Syrian forces had assumed control of all major military bases previously used by coalition forces, reflecting a continued drawdown of the international mission.

American forces, however, have maintained the capability to carry out intelligence-driven strikes and special operations targeting senior militant figures viewed as threats to regional and international security.

US officials have consistently stated that preventing a resurgence of Daesh remains a central objective of American counterterrorism policy in Syria and Iraq.

The latest operation highlights Washington’s intention to preserve that capability even as responsibility for day-to-day security increasingly shifts to local authorities.

The growing strategic importance of remote forested areas has prompted governments in the region to designate large swaths of land as military zones, reflecting concerns that insurgent groups are using dense vegetation to plan attacks, move personnel and sustain logistical networks beyond the reach of state forces.

In Mali, authorities this month declared the 80,000-hectare Faya forest and 38 other forests and parks off-limits to civilians, describing them as potential sanctuaries for armed groups. The measure followed a series of major attacks carried out by Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), Al-Qaeda’s affiliate in the Sahel, and allied Tuareg separatist fighters.

The forests covered by the decree form a broad corridor stretching across southern Mali from the borders with Senegal and Mauritania to Guinea and Côte d’Ivoire.

Analysts say such areas provide militants with significant operational advantages. Sparse state presence, limited infrastructure and the absence of permanent settlements make surveillance and enforcement difficult, allowing insurgent groups to establish enduring footholds.

“These are large natural areas that are sometimes not very well controlled by the state,” said Franklin Nossiter, a Sahel analyst at the International Crisis Group. He said the lack of military installations and administrative infrastructure in many forest zones has made them attractive locations for militant activity.

Similar security measures have been implemented in neighboring Burkina Faso and Niger, where authorities have increasingly restricted civilian access to forested regions associated with militant operations.

In Niger’s Torodi region, a heavily wooded area near the Burkina Faso border, officials have designated sections of territory as restricted military zones due to persistent attacks by armed groups.

Local industry representatives say militants regard logging and transport activities as threats to their shelter networks. A timber sector official told AFP that dozens of trucks had been destroyed and more than 20 transport workers killed in attacks linked to insurgent groups operating in the area.

Security researchers argue that militant organizations now view forests as more than defensive hideouts. Samir Bhattacharya of the Observer Research Foundation said sustained military pressure in urban centers and improved aerial surveillance have encouraged insurgents to establish permanent bases in remote woodland areas.

The terrain also offers economic opportunities. Militants have increasingly exploited informal economies linked to mining, livestock grazing, smuggling routes and poaching to finance their operations and strengthen local influence.

According to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), the continued use of forests and nature reserves by militant groups demonstrates a deliberate long-term strategy rather than temporary adaptation.

JNIM initially expanded through the W-Arly-Pendjari complex of parks and reserves spanning parts of Benin, Burkina Faso and Niger. The region’s proximity to several international borders has enabled insurgents to move across jurisdictions while avoiding concentrated military pressure.

Meanwhile, the Islamic State in the Sahel Province (ISSP) has developed networks in forested and hilly areas along the Niger-Nigeria frontier, conflict monitors say.

Military efforts to dislodge militants have faced significant challenges. Analysts note that dense vegetation reduces the effectiveness of drone surveillance and air strikes, while difficult terrain limits the mobility of armored vehicles and conventional ground forces.

Experts also caution that aggressive counterinsurgency operations in forest areas could carry risks if civilians are harmed or displaced. Such outcomes, they argue, could fuel local grievances and potentially aid recruitment efforts by militant organizations.

The growing contest for control of the Sahel’s forests underscores the evolving nature of the region’s insurgencies, where geography, local economies and weak state presence have become increasingly central to the conflict.

A US airstrike in southern Somalia that killed at least 12 civilians, including eight children, in November 2025 has raised renewed questions over the consequences of American military operations targeting armed groups in the country.

The strike took place in Jamaame, a town in Somalia’s Lower Juba region, on the morning of Nov. 15, according to accounts gathered from residents and reviewed evidence from the attack site. The United States has not publicly acknowledged civilian deaths from the operation.

Residents said the attack began shortly after 9 a.m. when aircraft were heard above the town. Witnesses described a series of explosions that struck residential areas and a religious school, leaving homes damaged or destroyed.The victims included children who had been returning from Qur’an school, families inside their homes, and a pregnant woman, according to relatives and witnesses.

The US military confirmed that it had conducted an operation against al-Shabaab, an armed group linked to al-Qaida that has carried out attacks in Somalia and neighbouring countries. The strike was part of a wider campaign of US air operations aimed at disrupting the group.Residents said the aircraft involved were likely drones.

The weaponry used in the attack was not publicly disclosed, but witnesses described repeated missile strikes consistent with the use of remotely piloted aircraft.At one home in Jamaame, relatives said the attack killed Safiyo Hassan Abukar, who was heavily pregnant, along with her children Abdifatah, 10, Abdinasir, 7, Hussein, 6, and Abdurahman, 4.Mohamed, the children’s grandfather, said he rushed to the scene after hearing explosions and found debris scattered around the destroyed house.

He said Abdifatah was often close to his mother and helped her with household tasks. He described Abdinasir as a child who regularly asked him to pray so he could memorise the Qur’an.Other residents reported similar losses.

Marian Haji Abdi Guled said her children were returning from Qur’an school when the attack occurred. She said the sound of aircraft overhead caused fear among residents before the strikes hit.According to Guled, her children were injured when missiles struck nearby.

She said the area became chaotic as residents attempted to move away from the attacks.Maryan Nur Buruji said her pregnant stepdaughter sought shelter at the Qur’an school with her two-year-old child. She said the school was later hit, killing the woman while the toddler survived.

Another resident, Mohamed Hassan Abdulle, said he returned to find his home destroyed and his wife, Farhiyo Hassan Nuur, and their 10-month-old daughter, Layla, dead.Farmers working outside the town also described receiving urgent calls from relatives as the attack unfolded.Gedow Ibrahim said he was working in his sesame fields when his wife called, warning him that drones were flying overhead.

He told her to remain inside, but later received another call saying their home had been hit.He said his daughters Maryan, 9, and Farhiyo, 7, were killed, while another child, Amin, 8, was injured by shrapnel.The attack also killed other residents, including a local imam, according to witnesses.

Residents said at least 15 explosions were heard and that numerous homes were damaged. Witnesses estimated that about 18 houses were destroyed, while the school was heavily damaged.The incident is among the deadliest reported civilian casualties from a US operation in Somalia in recent years.

Previous major incidents involving US forces in Somalia include the 1993 Battle of Mogadishu, known as “Black Hawk Down,” which resulted in significant casualties during a failed US military mission.The strike occurred months after the start of the second Trump administration, during a period when US policy toward Somalia was being reassessed.

In early 2025, US defence officials held discussions with senior officers from US Africa Command, which oversees American military operations on the continent.A directive issued during that period changed procedures governing aspects of US military operations, according to reporting on the policy shift. The effect of those changes on individual operations was not publicly detailed.

US officials have repeatedly said American military action in Somalia is aimed at preventing attacks by al-Shabaab and reducing the group’s ability to operate. The group has controlled territory in parts of Somalia at various times and has carried out attacks against civilians, government forces, and international targets.

Human rights organisations have previously raised concerns about civilian harm from airstrikes in Somalia and other conflict zones, calling for greater transparency around targeting decisions and investigations into possible civilian casualties.The Jamaame strike has renewed scrutiny over the balance between counterterrorism operations and civilian protection in areas where armed groups operate among local populations.

For the families affected, the consequences remain centred on the loss of relatives who were inside homes, travelling from school, or working nearby when the strikes occurred.Abdullahi Mohamed Abo Sheikh Ali, whose family was killed, said he believed civilians had been caught in the attack.

“The Americans bombed us,” he said. “Children, women and elders were bombed. They spared nothing.”

Residents in central Mali told Reuters that fighters from Jama’at Nusrat Al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) now collect taxes, settle local disputes and distribute aid in some communities, while using fewer threats than in previous years.

Five years ago, militants in some villages threatened people who challenged their interpretation of Islam, according to residents. More recently, they have focused on religious messaging and local administration, they said.

JNIM, formed in 2017 after several militant groups merged and pledged allegiance to Al-Qaeda, has spent years expanding across the Sahel region. The group has imposed restrictions including bans on music, smoking and some social activities while carrying out attacks against state forces.

The group gained strength after Mali’s military rulers took power in 2020 and removed French and United Nations forces from the country, while seeking support from Russian military contractors. JNIM later carried out major attacks, including strikes in Bamako and assaults on military positions.

Despite its military operations, residents and analysts said JNIM has increasingly sought to present itself as a governing authority in areas where it holds influence.

“The stronger they have become, the less brutal they have to be,” said Sahel expert Corinne Dufka, adding that residents’ acceptance of JNIM rule was shaped by a combination of coercion, fear and adaptation.

Tuareg-led separatist leader Bilal Ag Cherif, whose movement has cooperated with JNIM in parts of northern Mali, said he had observed changes within the group, including greater openness to local interpretations of Islam and discussions on political issues.

The separatists, now known as the Azawad Liberation Front, have urged JNIM fighters to distance themselves from Al-Qaeda and focus more on local concerns, Cherif said.

JNIM has said it aims to remove Russian forces from Mali and challenge the military leaders who seized power after coups in 2020 and 2021. The group has also increased messaging aimed at gaining wider support among Malians.

Mali’s government has rejected talks with armed groups, with Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop saying the authorities would not negotiate with groups responsible for violence in the country.

JNIM remains accused of severe abuses, including killings and attacks on civilians. In January, the group was blamed for an attack on a fuel convoy that killed 12 people, while attacks in May killed about 50 people in central Mali.

Some residents living under JNIM control said the group’s rule was now more predictable than earlier periods of conflict, though freedoms remained restricted.

“Since JNIM has controlled the area, we are safe. Even though their rule is difficult to respect, we have gotten used to it,” said Aminata, a resident of the Mopti region.

Analysts say JNIM’s approach reflects a broader shift among militant groups in the Sahel, where insurgents increasingly seek local legitimacy while continuing armed campaigns against governments.

Mali’s authorities and Russian partners have denied accusations of targeting civilians, saying their operations focus on militants.

Trump said the operation was conducted by the US Southern Command and coordinated with Venezuelan authorities. Pentagon chief Pete Hegseth said the strike took place earlier in the week and confirmed Guerrero was killed.

Venezuela’s information ministry said the operation involved clashes with criminal groups and that Guerrero was neutralized, adding that the action involved intelligence-sharing and specialized technological support.

The Trump administration has previously sanctioned Guerrero and other Tren de Aragua leaders over alleged involvement in drug trafficking, human smuggling and money laundering. Washington has designated Tren de Aragua as a foreign terrorist organization.

Trump has accused the group of coordinating activities in the United States with Venezuela’s government, a claim his administration has cited in support of deportation measures targeting some migrants.

Tren de Aragua emerged from Venezuela’s Tocorón prison and expanded across parts of Latin America. Authorities have linked the group to crimes including extortion, kidnapping, human trafficking, money laundering and organized criminal activity.

Guerrero escaped from Tocorón prison in 2023 shortly before a police operation against the facility, according to authorities.