While some refiners have slowed new purchases, others are turning to alternative sources on the global spot market to maintain steady energy supplies.

Despite the temporary pause, India’s commitment to energy stability remains firm. State-run Indian Oil Corporation (IOC) has stated that it will continue to purchase Russian crude as long as transactions comply with international regulations.

“Russian crude is not sanctioned. It is the entities and shipping lines that are affected,” said Anuj Jain, Finance Director of Indian Oil.

He emphasized that IOC would continue sourcing oil through non-sanctioned entities and compliant shipping arrangements, ensuring uninterrupted operations while adhering to global norms.

India has become one of the largest importers of Russian oil since 2022, when Moscow began redirecting exports eastward following the Ukraine conflict.

According to the International Energy Agency, India imported about 1.9 million barrels per day of Russian crude during the first nine months of 2025 — nearly 40% of Russia’s total seaborne exports.

This shift has helped India secure competitively priced oil and maintain a diverse energy basket during volatile global market conditions.

In recent days, several refiners, including Indian Oil, Reliance Industries, and Mangalore Refinery and Petrochemicals Ltd (MRPL), have taken proactive steps to ensure continuity in operations.

Indian Oil has floated a new tender for compliant oil supplies, while Reliance has increased purchases from the spot market to make up for any potential shortfall.

MRPL has also issued a tender to buy between 1 million and 2 million barrels of crude to maintain its refining operations.

Similarly, Bharat Petroleum Corporation Ltd (BPCL) plans to issue a spot tender within the next week to secure December-loading cargoes.

According to industry sources, BPCL will continue to buy Russian oil only from non-sanctioned entities while exploring alternative sources for a portion of its supply.

The company typically purchases around 2 million metric tons of oil from spot markets each month, most of which is Russian. For November, BPCL is fully covered, and the company is now working to secure adequate volumes for December.

Officials have indicated that the most likely replacements for Russian crude in the short term are Iraq’s Basrah Heavy and Basrah Medium grades, as well as U.S. West Texas Intermediate (WTI) crude.

However, WTI currently costs about $3 to $3.50 per barrel more than competing grades, making price optimization a key focus for refiners.

While the European Union, the UK, and the United States have introduced successive rounds of sanctions targeting Russian energy companies such as Lukoil and Rosneft, Indian refiners are treading carefully to ensure compliance without compromising energy security.

The Indian government has maintained a balanced stance, reiterating that purchases will continue from sources not under direct sanctions.

Industry experts note that Indian refiners’ cautious strategy demonstrates prudence and adaptability in navigating a complex geopolitical and economic environment.

Refiners are closely coordinating with suppliers to ensure transactions remain within the boundaries of international law while securing the volumes needed to sustain industrial activity and fuel demand.

One refinery executive said his company had cancelled some previously booked cargoes linked to sanctioned entities but was exploring fresh deals with approved traders.

Another source confirmed that refiners are waiting for further guidance from both domestic authorities and global trading partners before finalizing additional Russian shipments.

Overall, India’s approach reflects a balanced energy strategy — one that prioritizes compliance, economic stability, and diversification.

While the recent sanctions have temporarily slowed procurement, Indian refiners are well-positioned to adjust through global sourcing and strategic planning.

As energy markets continue to shift, India’s refiners remain focused on ensuring uninterrupted supply chains and maintaining affordable fuel prices for domestic consumers.

The ongoing evaluation of new trade routes and partnerships underscores India’s growing role as a key player in shaping global oil dynamics, demonstrating both resilience and pragmatism in uncertain times.

Syria’s recovery is not just symbolic—it’s strategic. A stable, unified Syria is essential for regional security, refugee returns, and long-term economic integration.

The war in Syria may not be over on paper, but on the ground, the tide has clearly turned. Since the collapse of the Assad regime in December 2024, nearly 250,000 Syrian refugees in Turkey have returned home. This movement is not driven by propaganda or pressure, but by something far more powerful: the hope that Syria, at long last, is stabilizing.

That hope is grounded in real, visible change. The Damascus Stock Exchange has reopened, signaling a cautious but meaningful restart of the formal economy. Finance Minister Mohammed Yisr Barnieh called it a message to the world—that Syria is back in business.

The turning point came on May 13, when U.S. President Donald Trump, during a landmark visit to Riyadh, announced the lifting of sanctions on Syria. Ten days later, the U.S. Treasury issued General License 25, permitting transactions with Syria’s new transitional government, headed by President Ahmad Al-Sharaa. The EU swiftly followed with a coordinated suspension of its own sanctions regime. In less than two weeks, Syria went from pariah to partner in the eyes of global policymakers.

The momentum is not only diplomatic. Gulf states are stepping up. On Saturday, Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud, speaking from Damascus, announced a joint initiative with Qatar to help fund salaries for Syrian civil servants. These are the sorts of actions that turn ceasefires into recoveries.

And yet, despite these gains, Syria’s path forward still faces one last—and deeply entrenched—obstacle: the PKK-affiliated administration in northeast Syria, branded to the world as the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), and militarily represented by the PYD and SDF.

Let’s be candid. For years, Western governments, NGOs, and think tanks have celebrated the AANES as a “progressive” alternative in Syria. But the reality on the ground tells a much darker story. Despite controlling vast natural resources, receiving billions in foreign aid, and enjoying unprecedented U.S. military protection, the AANES has delivered little more than corruption, repression, and instability.

Entire Arab and Assyrian communities have been displaced under their watch. Basic services remain in disrepair. Youth conscription, political detentions, and even child recruitment are not allegations—they are documented practices. Many in Raqqa, Deir Ezzor, and Hasakah view the AANES not as a government but as an occupying structure—an extension of the PKK’s transnational project, not a legitimate representative of the Syrian people.

This is not just Syria’s internal issue. It’s a regional problem. The longer these entities maintain their grip, the harder it becomes to achieve a unified, sovereign Syrian state capable of rebuilding and reconciling.

To its credit, the transitional government in Damascus has not responded with vengeance. President Al-Sharaa has focused on restoring institutions, rebuilding national infrastructure, and pursuing a post-conflict political identity that moves beyond sectarianism. But these efforts will remain incomplete until all Syrian territories are returned to accountable, sovereign administration.

In this context, the reopening of the U.S. embassy in Damascus sends a powerful signal. Newly appointed American envoy Thomas Barrack—who also serves as the U.S. ambassador to Turkey—raised the American flag over the embassy for the first time since 2012. He praised Syria’s new leadership and openly discussed the prospect of peace between Syria and Israel—once a diplomatic impossibility. Barrack noted that the Caesar Act sanctions must now be repealed by Congress, describing President Trump as impatient with sanctions that obstruct reconstruction.

None of this should be mistaken for instant success. The Syrian state remains fragile. Public sector wages are still well below the cost of living. Corruption, while being addressed, is not yet defeated. And sectarian wounds—especially those left by clashes between pro-Assad remnants and local communities—will take time to heal.

But from my perspective as a European political analyst, this is the first time in years that Syria’s future feels negotiable rather than doomed.

To my Arab readers: Syria’s recovery is not just symbolic—it’s strategic. A stable, unified Syria is essential for regional security, refugee returns, and long-term economic integration.

To Western policymakers: the failed experiment of non-state actors ruling eastern Syria must end. It did not bring democracy. It brought dysfunction. The time has come to support a Syrian solution, not a Kurdish separatist detour funded by Western guilt and strategic confusion.

The Syrian war broke the country. But the outlines of recovery are finally emerging. The world has a choice: engage constructively—or prolong the suffering under the illusion of alternatives that have long since collapsed.