The decision took effect immediately on June 26, according to a government statement broadcast on national television on Friday. The ruling junta, led by Captain Ibrahim Traore, said France continued to pursue “neo-colonial ambitions” and accused Paris of supporting subversive networks and terrorist groups operating in Burkina Faso and the wider Sahel region.

France had not immediately responded publicly to the allegations.

The government said the move applied solely to diplomatic relations between the two states and would not affect the longstanding historical, cultural, social and people-to-people ties linking the Burkinabe and French populations.

Traore seized power in a military coup in September 2022 and has since adopted policies that have distanced Burkina Faso from Western partners, particularly France, while tightening control over domestic political opposition and critical voices.

Burkina Faso has faced a worsening security crisis for more than a decade, with insurgent groups linked to Al-Qaeda and Daesh carrying out frequent attacks across the country and neighboring states in the Sahel, contributing to one of the world’s largest displacement and humanitarian crises.

The diplomatic rupture reflects a broader geopolitical realignment across parts of West and Central Africa, where military governments have increasingly reduced cooperation with France while strengthening political, security and economic ties with Russia and other non-Western partners.

France, which maintained extensive political and military influence across francophone Africa after independence, has in recent years pledged to move away from its long-criticized “Françafrique” policy as anti-French sentiment has grown across several former colonies.

The growing strategic importance of remote forested areas has prompted governments in the region to designate large swaths of land as military zones, reflecting concerns that insurgent groups are using dense vegetation to plan attacks, move personnel and sustain logistical networks beyond the reach of state forces.

In Mali, authorities this month declared the 80,000-hectare Faya forest and 38 other forests and parks off-limits to civilians, describing them as potential sanctuaries for armed groups. The measure followed a series of major attacks carried out by Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM), Al-Qaeda’s affiliate in the Sahel, and allied Tuareg separatist fighters.

The forests covered by the decree form a broad corridor stretching across southern Mali from the borders with Senegal and Mauritania to Guinea and Côte d’Ivoire.

Analysts say such areas provide militants with significant operational advantages. Sparse state presence, limited infrastructure and the absence of permanent settlements make surveillance and enforcement difficult, allowing insurgent groups to establish enduring footholds.

“These are large natural areas that are sometimes not very well controlled by the state,” said Franklin Nossiter, a Sahel analyst at the International Crisis Group. He said the lack of military installations and administrative infrastructure in many forest zones has made them attractive locations for militant activity.

Similar security measures have been implemented in neighboring Burkina Faso and Niger, where authorities have increasingly restricted civilian access to forested regions associated with militant operations.

In Niger’s Torodi region, a heavily wooded area near the Burkina Faso border, officials have designated sections of territory as restricted military zones due to persistent attacks by armed groups.

Local industry representatives say militants regard logging and transport activities as threats to their shelter networks. A timber sector official told AFP that dozens of trucks had been destroyed and more than 20 transport workers killed in attacks linked to insurgent groups operating in the area.

Security researchers argue that militant organizations now view forests as more than defensive hideouts. Samir Bhattacharya of the Observer Research Foundation said sustained military pressure in urban centers and improved aerial surveillance have encouraged insurgents to establish permanent bases in remote woodland areas.

The terrain also offers economic opportunities. Militants have increasingly exploited informal economies linked to mining, livestock grazing, smuggling routes and poaching to finance their operations and strengthen local influence.

According to the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED), the continued use of forests and nature reserves by militant groups demonstrates a deliberate long-term strategy rather than temporary adaptation.

JNIM initially expanded through the W-Arly-Pendjari complex of parks and reserves spanning parts of Benin, Burkina Faso and Niger. The region’s proximity to several international borders has enabled insurgents to move across jurisdictions while avoiding concentrated military pressure.

Meanwhile, the Islamic State in the Sahel Province (ISSP) has developed networks in forested and hilly areas along the Niger-Nigeria frontier, conflict monitors say.

Military efforts to dislodge militants have faced significant challenges. Analysts note that dense vegetation reduces the effectiveness of drone surveillance and air strikes, while difficult terrain limits the mobility of armored vehicles and conventional ground forces.

Experts also caution that aggressive counterinsurgency operations in forest areas could carry risks if civilians are harmed or displaced. Such outcomes, they argue, could fuel local grievances and potentially aid recruitment efforts by militant organizations.

The growing contest for control of the Sahel’s forests underscores the evolving nature of the region’s insurgencies, where geography, local economies and weak state presence have become increasingly central to the conflict.

Residents in central Mali told Reuters that fighters from Jama’at Nusrat Al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) now collect taxes, settle local disputes and distribute aid in some communities, while using fewer threats than in previous years.

Five years ago, militants in some villages threatened people who challenged their interpretation of Islam, according to residents. More recently, they have focused on religious messaging and local administration, they said.

JNIM, formed in 2017 after several militant groups merged and pledged allegiance to Al-Qaeda, has spent years expanding across the Sahel region. The group has imposed restrictions including bans on music, smoking and some social activities while carrying out attacks against state forces.

The group gained strength after Mali’s military rulers took power in 2020 and removed French and United Nations forces from the country, while seeking support from Russian military contractors. JNIM later carried out major attacks, including strikes in Bamako and assaults on military positions.

Despite its military operations, residents and analysts said JNIM has increasingly sought to present itself as a governing authority in areas where it holds influence.

“The stronger they have become, the less brutal they have to be,” said Sahel expert Corinne Dufka, adding that residents’ acceptance of JNIM rule was shaped by a combination of coercion, fear and adaptation.

Tuareg-led separatist leader Bilal Ag Cherif, whose movement has cooperated with JNIM in parts of northern Mali, said he had observed changes within the group, including greater openness to local interpretations of Islam and discussions on political issues.

The separatists, now known as the Azawad Liberation Front, have urged JNIM fighters to distance themselves from Al-Qaeda and focus more on local concerns, Cherif said.

JNIM has said it aims to remove Russian forces from Mali and challenge the military leaders who seized power after coups in 2020 and 2021. The group has also increased messaging aimed at gaining wider support among Malians.

Mali’s government has rejected talks with armed groups, with Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop saying the authorities would not negotiate with groups responsible for violence in the country.

JNIM remains accused of severe abuses, including killings and attacks on civilians. In January, the group was blamed for an attack on a fuel convoy that killed 12 people, while attacks in May killed about 50 people in central Mali.

Some residents living under JNIM control said the group’s rule was now more predictable than earlier periods of conflict, though freedoms remained restricted.

“Since JNIM has controlled the area, we are safe. Even though their rule is difficult to respect, we have gotten used to it,” said Aminata, a resident of the Mopti region.

Analysts say JNIM’s approach reflects a broader shift among militant groups in the Sahel, where insurgents increasingly seek local legitimacy while continuing armed campaigns against governments.

Mali’s authorities and Russian partners have denied accusations of targeting civilians, saying their operations focus on militants.

Community-led peace initiatives are emerging as a potential tool in Nigeria’s struggle against bandit violence, with some local leaders reporting improvements in security after negotiating directly with armed groups that have terrorized large areas of the country’s northwest.

One of the most prominent examples comes from Kurfi, a local government area in Katsina State, where a peace agreement brokered by community figures has brought what residents describe as a period of relative stability following years of attacks, kidnappings and displacement.

Dayyabu Abba-Kurfi, a civil servant and local politician, played a central role in negotiating the agreement in August 2025 between residents and bandit groups operating in the area. Abba-Kurfi, known locally by the nickname “Doncaster,” earned during his school football days in the 1980s, said the arrangement has allowed many residents to begin rebuilding lives disrupted by years of insecurity.

The initiative reflects growing frustration among communities that have endured repeated violence despite extensive security operations by Nigerian authorities. While federal and state governments continue military campaigns against armed groups, some local leaders argue that dialogue and community engagement can complement conventional security responses.

Banditry has become one of Nigeria’s most serious security challenges over the past decade. Criminal groups operating primarily in northwestern states have carried out kidnappings, extortion, cattle rustling and attacks on rural communities. Many groups operate on motorcycles and maintain bases in remote forest areas that are difficult for security forces to access.

Researchers trace the origins of the crisis to a combination of social, economic and environmental pressures. Rapid population growth, competition over land and the effects of climate change have intensified tensions between farming and pastoral communities across northern Nigeria.

Historically, nomadic herders relied on established grazing routes that allowed livestock to move across large areas of the region. However, expanding agricultural activity and population growth have reduced access to these traditional pathways, contributing to disputes over land and resources.

According to Malik Samuel, a senior researcher at the Abuja-based policy organization Good Governance Africa, many members of nomadic Fulani communities have long felt politically and economically marginalized.

He said disputes between farmers and herders often reinforce perceptions that pastoral groups receive less support from authorities during conflicts.Samuel noted that while such grievances may be legitimate, some individuals have exploited them to justify or facilitate criminal activity. Over time, local vigilante structures and self-defense groups evolved in some areas into organized criminal networks involved in kidnapping, illegal mining and other illicit enterprises.

The scale of the problem has grown significantly in recent years. According to data compiled by SBM Intelligence, a Lagos-based risk analysis firm, approximately 15,000 kidnapping incidents were recorded across Nigeria between 2019 and 2025. A large proportion occurred in the northwest, where insecurity has become deeply entrenched.

Separate research by the firm estimated that kidnappers received approximately 2.57 billion naira, equivalent to about £1.4 million, in ransom payments between July 2024 and June 2025. The figures underscore the extent to which kidnapping has become a lucrative criminal enterprise.Katsina State remains among the regions most heavily affected.

Eleven of its 34 local government areas have experienced repeated attacks by bandit groups, resulting in widespread displacement and economic disruption.Many rural residents abandoned villages and farms to seek safety in urban centers, where living expenses were often significantly higher.

Agricultural production suffered as fields were left unattended and livestock movements disrupted. Residents reported that bandits frequently allowed cattle to graze on cultivated farmland, destroying crops and reducing harvests.The psychological impact of the violence has been equally severe. Across affected communities, families developed survival routines designed to minimize risk during nighttime raids.

Many households ate meals early in the evening before leaving their homes to seek refuge in forests or isolated locations.Residents described scenarios in which parents separated while fleeing attacks, with fathers taking some children in one direction and mothers taking others in another attempt to improve the family’s chances of survival.

In the confusion, children were occasionally left behind or became lost while escaping.Accounts from affected communities highlight the human cost of prolonged insecurity. In one incident recalled by residents in Kurfi, a family that remained at home during an attack experienced severe violence. According to local accounts, armed men assaulted the mother while the father hid inside the house fearing for his life.

Such experiences have contributed to growing support for alternative approaches aimed at reducing violence. Community leaders involved in peace efforts argue that their familiarity with local dynamics allows them to communicate with armed groups in ways that external actors often cannot.Supporters of local mediation contend that trusted intermediaries possess knowledge of community relationships, historical grievances and social networks that can facilitate dialogue.

They argue that these connections can help create opportunities for de-escalation in areas where military operations alone have struggled to establish lasting stability.Critics, however, have previously questioned whether negotiations with criminal groups risk legitimizing armed actors or providing temporary rather than permanent solutions. Security analysts note that peace agreements can be fragile and may collapse if underlying economic and social conditions remain unresolved.

Despite those concerns, the relative calm reported in communities such as Kurfi has attracted attention from policymakers and residents seeking practical responses to a crisis that has displaced thousands of people and disrupted economic activity across northern Nigeria.For many residents, the immediate priority is not broader political debate but restoring daily life.

In communities emerging from years of fear, the ability to return to farms, reopen businesses and sleep in their own homes represents a significant measure of progress.Whether locally negotiated peace arrangements can be replicated across other parts of northwestern Nigeria remains uncertain.

However, their emergence reflects a growing recognition that resolving the country’s bandit crisis may require a combination of security operations, community engagement and efforts to address the deeper social and economic factors that have fueled violence for years.

The 416 captives, all taken from Ngoshe village in Borno State, regained their freedom on Saturday, according to community representatives involved in efforts to secure their release.

Samaila Kaigama, president of the Borno South Youth Alliance (BOSYA), said the organization helped facilitate communication between the abductors and affected families and confirmed that all those kidnapped from Ngoshe had been released.

“We have secured the release of all the 416 women and children abducted from Ngoshe,” Kaigama told journalists.

The release was also confirmed by Senator Mohammed Ali Ndume, who represents Borno South in Nigeria’s Senate. However, neither Ndume nor BOSYA disclosed how the captives’ freedom was obtained.

Authorities have consistently maintained that the Nigerian government does not pay ransoms to secure the release of hostages. Nevertheless, security analysts and local observers have long argued that ransom payments frequently occur through various channels, including negotiations involving families, intermediaries and local actors.

The circumstances surrounding the latest release remain unclear, with neither government officials nor community mediators providing details about any negotiations that may have taken place.

The incident underscores the continuing threat posed by Boko Haram and other armed groups operating across Nigeria despite years of military campaigns against insurgents.

Ngoshe, located less than 10 kilometers from the border with Cameroon in the mountainous Gwoza area, lies within a region historically regarded as a stronghold of Boko Haram militants. The community has repeatedly been targeted during the insurgency.

Kidnapping has evolved into one of the most lucrative tactics employed by armed groups in Nigeria. Militants, criminal gangs commonly known as bandits and separatist organizations increasingly rely on abductions for financial gain, targeting villagers, students, travelers and local officials.

According to a report by Lagos-based security consultancy SBM Intelligence, ransom payments across Nigeria totaled approximately $1.66 million between July 2024 and June 2025, highlighting the scale of the country’s abduction crisis.

Boko Haram launched its insurgency in 2009 with the aim of overthrowing the Nigerian state and imposing its interpretation of Islamic rule. The conflict has since fractured into multiple armed factions and evolved into one of Africa’s longest-running security crises.

The violence has killed tens of thousands of people and displaced millions across northeastern Nigeria and neighboring countries, while recurring attacks and kidnappings continue to challenge efforts to stabilize the region.

The appointment came as tensions between Faye and Sonko, once close political partners, escalated over economic policy, governance and the future direction of the country. In a decree announcing the nomination, the presidency cited Lo’s experience in finance and monetary policy, emphasizing his background at the Central Bank of West African States and his expertise in managing economic challenges.

Senegal is facing mounting fiscal pressures, with public debt estimated at 132 percent of gross domestic product, one of the highest levels in the region. The government is seeking to reassure investors and international partners amid growing concerns over the country’s financial outlook.

In his first public remarks after being appointed, Lo sought to project stability, stating that Senegal remained a secure and viable destination despite ongoing political uncertainty.

The appointment follows Faye’s decision on Friday to remove Sonko from office after months of disagreements between the two leaders. Their split marks a dramatic reversal in fortunes for a political alliance that swept to power promising anti-corruption reforms, institutional change and economic renewal.

Faye’s rise to the presidency was closely linked to Sonko, whose legal troubles prevented him from contesting the 2024 presidential election. Sonko instead backed Faye, helping propel him to victory and ultimately securing his appointment as prime minister after the election.

The relationship has since deteriorated as the government grappled with economic challenges. Faye has favored engagement with the International Monetary Fund on a potential financial support program, while Sonko has advocated a more sovereign and domestically driven economic strategy.

The political confrontation is now shifting to parliament, where lawmakers are expected to vote on Tuesday on Sonko’s reinstatement as a member of the National Assembly and on the election of a new parliamentary speaker.

The move follows the resignation of National Assembly Speaker El Malick Ndiaye, a close Sonko ally, creating an opening for Sonko to assume one of the country’s most influential political positions.

Sonko’s political party, Pastef, holds a commanding majority in parliament with 130 of 165 seats, giving him a strong platform from which to challenge Faye’s authority despite no longer serving as prime minister.
Opposition leaders have sharply criticized the process. Aissata Tall Sall, head of the main opposition coalition, described the developments as an “institutional coup” and argued that Sonko should have formally resigned and resumed his legislative mandate before seeking the parliamentary leadership.

She called on Senegal’s Constitutional Council to review the matter, warning against what she described as an attempt by the parliamentary majority to impose an unlawful political outcome.

Under Senegalese law, parliament must approve the president’s nominee for prime minister within three months. Faye is also restricted from dissolving parliament until November, limiting his ability to seek a fresh legislative mandate during the current standoff.
Recent electoral reforms have further altered the political landscape by making Sonko eligible to run for the presidency in the future. The change raises the prospect that the two former allies, once united in opposition politics, could eventually face each other in a presidential contest.
The developments have introduced fresh uncertainty into Senegalese politics at a time when the government is attempting to address economic strains, restore fiscal credibility and maintain investor confidence.

Gunmen stormed an unregistered orphanage in Kogi in late April, abducting 23 children and several adults. Most of the children were released shortly afterward, but seven children remained missing until the latest rescue operation.In a statement, the Nigerian army said troops “successfully rescued the remaining kidnapped victims” following what it described as sustained search-and-rescue efforts.

The rescued group included five boys, two girls and two adult women believed to be wives of the orphanage proprietor, the statement said.Authorities did not disclose details about the operation or whether any suspects were arrested.

Kogi state Information Commissioner Kingsley Fanwo previously said the orphanage had been operating illegally in a remote forested area without registration or oversight from state authorities and security agencies.Nigeria continues to face overlapping security crises, including insurgencies, armed banditry, communal violence and separatist unrest.

Kidnappings for ransom have become increasingly common, particularly in rural and underserved regions where security presence is limited.North-central Nigeria, including Kogi state, has witnessed repeated attacks on schools and communities in recent years.

Security officials have linked some incidents in neighboring regions to militants affiliated with Boko Haram.In November, hundreds of students were abducted from a school in neighboring Niger state in an attack that security sources attributed to Boko Haram fighters.

The government of Senegal has made measurable progress in strengthening its primary education workforce, but disparities in the distribution of teachers across regions and schools continue to affect equity and learning outcomes, according to a recent study published by UNICEF’s Office of Research – Innocenti.

The report, part of the “Teachers for All” research initiative released in March 2026, highlights that Senegal maintains a relatively strong national supply of trained teachers in elementary education compared with regional peers in sub-Saharan Africa.

The country’s national pupil–teacher ratio stands at approximately 35:1, exceeding international benchmarks and regional averages, reflecting sustained investment in teacher training and recruitment.

Despite this progress, the study identifies structural challenges in how teachers are allocated within the education system. While overall supply levels are considered adequate at the national scale, imbalances persist at subnational levels, with some schools and regions experiencing shortages while others maintain comparatively higher staffing levels.

A central component of Senegal’s allocation strategy is the use of a digital platform known as MIRADOR, designed to support transparent and data-driven decision-making in teacher deployment and mobility. The platform has been cited in the report as an emerging model within the region, enabling authorities to track teacher placements and manage transfers more systematically.

According to the study, the introduction of MIRADOR reflects a broader effort by policymakers to modernize administrative processes and reduce inefficiencies in workforce management. By integrating administrative data, the system aims to align teacher distribution more closely with student needs and demographic patterns.

However, the report notes that digital tools alone have not fully resolved underlying disparities. Variations in teacher availability remain evident across regions, schools, and even within classrooms, suggesting that allocation challenges are influenced by factors beyond administrative systems.The analysis is based on two complementary research components.

The first draws on administrative data to map teacher distribution patterns nationwide, assessing how these patterns correlate with equity considerations and student outcomes. The second component uses qualitative data to examine the drivers behind these patterns, including teacher preferences, working conditions, and policy implementation gaps.

One of the key findings relates to the difficulty of attracting and retaining teachers in so-called “departure zones,” typically rural or less-developed areas where living and working conditions may be less favorable. These areas tend to experience higher turnover rates and persistent staffing shortages, despite national-level adequacy in teacher supply.

The study indicates that while allocation policies are designed to address such imbalances, their effectiveness is shaped by broader socioeconomic factors. Teachers may seek transfers to urban or better-resourced locations, creating a cycle in which disadvantaged areas remain underserved.

This dynamic poses challenges for achieving equitable access to quality education across the country.The report also highlights the role of policy design and implementation in shaping outcomes. While Senegal has introduced increasingly transparent procedures for teacher deployment, gaps remain in ensuring that these policies are consistently applied and aligned with local needs.

The interaction between formal allocation mechanisms and informal practices is identified as an area requiring further attention.Education experts involved in the study emphasize that equitable teacher distribution is a critical determinant of learning outcomes.

Disparities in staffing can lead to overcrowded classrooms in some areas and underutilization of resources in others, affecting both teaching quality and student performance.The findings are presented in a two-part report series accompanied by a joint executive summary, which synthesizes insights from both quantitative and qualitative analyses.

The combined approach is intended to provide a comprehensive understanding of teacher allocation dynamics and inform evidence-based policy decisions.According to the report, Senegal’s experience offers broader lessons for education systems in similar contexts. The integration of digital tools such as MIRADOR demonstrates the potential for data-driven approaches to improve governance and transparency.

At the same time, the persistence of inequities underscores the importance of addressing structural and contextual factors alongside technological solutions.The study situates teacher allocation within the wider objective of achieving equitable access to education, a priority reflected in national policy frameworks and international development goals.

Ensuring that all students have access to qualified teachers remains a central challenge, particularly in regions with limited infrastructure and resources.UNICEF’s research emphasizes the need for continued investment in both systems and incentives to support balanced teacher distribution. This includes not only refining allocation mechanisms but also improving conditions in underserved areas to make them more attractive to educators.

While Senegal’s overall progress in expanding its teacher workforce is acknowledged, the report concludes that achieving equity will require sustained and coordinated efforts across multiple dimensions of the education system.

The findings are expected to inform ongoing policy discussions and contribute to broader regional debates on education reform and resource allocation.

The raids, carried out by criminal groups locally known as bandits, targeted villages in Sokoto State on Thursday, following several days of deadly assaults in the country’s predominantly Muslim north.

Ahmad Yahaya, a community leader in Dan Adua village, said at least 12 people were killed and 43 abducted across Isa and Sabon Birni local government areas during the attacks. He said heavily armed gunmen carried out the raids.

Lawmaker Muhammad Saidu Bargaja, who represents the affected areas, confirmed the violence, reporting similar casualty figures and describing the security situation as “highly devastating.”

The districts are believed to be under the influence of Bello Turji, a notorious gang leader whose network imposes levies on communities and conducts retaliatory raids against those who refuse to comply.

The latest violence comes amid a wider escalation of attacks by both criminal gangs and jihadist groups. Earlier in the week, a senior military officer, Brigadier General Oseni Omoh Braimah, was killed along with several troops during an overnight assault on a military base in northeastern Nigeria, according to local officials and intelligence sources.

Separate attacks in the northwestern states of Kebbi and Niger have also left at least 90 people dead since Sunday, based on figures from local authorities, humanitarian groups and church sources.

The surge underscores ongoing security challenges in northern Nigeria, where armed groups continue to target civilians, security forces and infrastructure despite military operations aimed at curbing the violence.

Fisherman Ibrahima Mar, 55, said dwindling catches have upended a way of life sustained for generations in Rufisque, near Dakar. He described a steady depletion of fish stocks that has left traditional fishers struggling to survive. “The fish have been taken from our path,” he said, pointing to worsening conditions in recent years.

Analysts attribute the decline to a combination of illegal practices and large-scale industrial operations. Bassirou Diarra, Senegal country manager for the Environmental Justice Foundation, said vessels engaged in bottom trawling and other activities often operate under Senegalese flags but are linked to foreign ownership, including European and Asian interests.

“These practices not only reduce fish availability for local consumption but also limit economic returns to the country,” Diarra said, citing issues such as unauthorized fishing in protected areas, non-compliant equipment and lax licensing.

A 2025 report by the Environmental Justice Foundation estimated that 57% of exploited fish populations in Senegal are in a state of collapse, underscoring the scale of the crisis.

The decline has had ripple effects across coastal economies. According to census data, more than 82,000 people in Senegal depend on fishing, accounting for about 2% of the workforce. Ancillary sectors such as fish processing, transport and retail have also been affected.

Local fishing leaders say productivity has sharply declined. Mamadou Diouf Sene, head of the Rufisque Fishing Wharf Revenue Commission, said it now takes up to seven months to catch what previously required two months, reflecting the strain on marine resources.

The economic pressure has contributed to increased migration attempts, with some fishermen undertaking dangerous journeys to Europe in traditional wooden boats known as pirogues. Community members say these journeys often end in tragedy.

Environmental factors have compounded the problem. Researchers note that climate change is shifting small pelagic species, such as sardinella and horse mackerel, northward, further reducing local availability.

Authorities acknowledge enforcement challenges. Cheikh Salla Ndiaye of Senegal’s Directorate of Fisheries Protection and Surveillance said monitoring vast maritime areas remains difficult despite support from security forces.

Efforts to improve oversight are underway, with environmental groups such as Greenpeace introducing technologies including satellite tracking and mobile reporting tools to help identify illegal activity at sea.

The crisis has raised concerns about long-term food security and economic stability in Senegal, where fish remains a central component of both diet and cultural identity.